Here
under follows the transcription of chapter 9B3 of Houston Stewart
Chamberlain's The
Foundations of the 19th Century, 2nd ed., published by John Lane,
The
Bodley Head, 1912.
CONTENTS
|
329
3. INDUSTRY (From the Introduction of
Paper to Watt's Steam-engine).
EPHEMERAL
NATURE OF ALL CIVILISATION
We now enter the domain of civilisation; here I can and shall be
exceedingly
brief, for the relation of the Present to the Past is absolutely
different
from what it is in culture and knowledge. In discussing knowledge I had
to break new ground, and lay foundations to enable us to understand the
nineteenth century; for our knowledge of to-day is so closely bound up
with the work of the preceding six centuries — grows out of it under
such
definite conditions — that we can estimate the Present only in
connection
with the Past; here, moreover, the genius of eternity rules; the
material
of knowledge is never “done with,“ discoveries can never be annulled, a
Columbus stands nearer in spirit to us than to his own century, and
even
science, as we have seen, contains elements
330
INDUSTRY
which vie in
immortality
with the most perfect products of art; there consequently the Past
lives
on as Present. We cannot assert the same of civilisation. Naturally in
this domain also link is locked with link, but former ages support the
present only in a mechanical way as in the coral the dead calcified
generations
serve as a basis to the living polyps. Here, too, of course, the
relation
of Past to Present is of the highest academic interest, and its
investigation
may prove instructive; but in practice public life always remains an
exclusively
“present“ phenomenon; the doctrines of the Past are vague,
contradictory,
inapplicable; the future is likewise very little considered. A new
machine
supersedes former ones, a new law annuls the old; the necessities of
the
moment and the hurry of the short-lived individual are the ruling
power.
It is so, for example, in politics. In the discussion on “The Struggle
in the State“ we discovered certain great undercurrents which are still
flowing as they flowed a thousand years ago; here universal racial
relations
are actively at work, physical fundamental facts, which in the hurtling
waves of life break the light in manifold ways and consequently reveal
themselves in many colours, but nevertheless are recognisable by
careful
observers in their permanent organic unity; but if we take real
politics,
we find a chaos of transecting and intersecting events, in which
chance,
the Unanticipated, the Unforeseen, the Inconsistent are decisive, in
which
the recoil from a geographical discovery, the invention of a loom, the
discovery of a coal-mine, the exploit of a general of genius, the
intervention
of a great statesman, the birth of a weak or strong monarch, destroys
all
that centuries have achieved, or, it may be, wins back in a single day
all that has been ceded to others. Because the Byzantines make a poor
defence
against the Turks, the great commercial republic of Venice falls;
because
the Pope excludes the Portuguese from the Western seas, they discover
the
331 INDUSTRY
Eastern route,
and Lisbon springs into sudden prosperity; Austria is lost to the
Germans
and Bohemia loses its national importance for ever, because an
intellectual
and moral cipher, Ferdinand II., stands from childhood under the
influence
of a few foreign Jesuits; Charles XII. shoots like a comet through
history,
and dies at the age of thirty-five, yet his unexpected intervention
changes
the map of Europe and the history of Protestantism; the transformation
of the world, the dream of that scourge of God, Napoleon Bonaparte, was
effected in a much more thorough fashion by the simple honest James
Watt,
who patented his steam-engine in the year 1769, the very year in which
that condottiere was born.... And meanwhile real politics consist of a
ceaseless adaptation, a ceaseless ingenious compromising between the
Necessary
and the Chance, between what yesterday was and what to-morrow will be.
As the venerable historian Johannes von Müller testifies: “All
history
humbles politics; for the greatest things are brought about by
circumstances.“
Politics retard, as long as they can, they further, as soon as the
stream
has overcome its own resistance; they haggle with a neighbour for
advantages,
rob him when he becomes weak, grovel before him when he grows strong.
Moved
by politics the mighty prince invests the nobles with fiefs that they
may
elect him to be King or Emperor, and then promotes the interests of the
citizen that they may aid him against those very lords who have raised
him to the throne; the citizens are loyal, because they thereby escape
the tyranny of the nobles, who think only of self-aggrandisement, but
the
monarch becomes a tyrant as soon as there are no longer powerful
families
to keep him in check, and the people awakens to find itself more
dependent
than ever; that is why it rebels, beheads its King and banishes his
supporters;
now, however, the ambition to rule asserts itself a thousandfold and
with
dogged intolerance the
332 INDUSTRY
foolish “majority“
raises its will to the dignity of law. Everywhere the despotism of the
moment, that is to say, of the momentary necessity, the momentary
interest,
the momentary possibility, and consequently a rich sequence of various
circumstances, which may indeed have a genetic connection and can be
unrolled
by the historian in their natural order before our eyes, but so that
the
one Present destroys the other, as the caterpillar the egg, the
chrysalis
the caterpillar, and the butterfly the chrysalis; the butterfly, again,
dies when it lays eggs, so that history may begin all over again.
- Alas!
Away!
and leave
them in their graves,
- These
strifes
between
the tyrant and the slaves!
- They weary
me;
for
scarcely are they o'er,
- Than they
commence
from first to last once more.
What is here proved for politics is just as true of all industrial and
economic life. One of the most industrious modern workers in this wide
sphere, Dr. Cunningham, repeatedly points out how difficult it is for
us
— in one passage he calls it hopeless * — really to understand the
economic
conditions of past centuries and especially the views regarding them
which
floated before the minds of our fathers, and determined their actions
and
legal measures. Civilisation, the mere garment of man, is in fact so
ephemeral
a thing that it disappears and leaves no trace behind; though vases,
earrings
and suchlike adorn our museums, though all sorts of contracts, bills of
exchange, and diplomas are preserved in dusty archives, the living
element
in them is dead beyond recall. Any one who has not studied these
conditions
has no idea how quickly one state of affairs supersedes another. We
hear
talk of Middle Ages and believe that that was a great uniform epoch of
a thousand years,
* The
Growth of English Industry and Commerce during the Early and
Middle
Ages, 3rd ed. page 97.
333 INDUSTRY
kept in constant
ferment by wars, but fairly stable, so far as ideas and social
conditions
are concerned; then came the Renaissance, out of which the Present
gradually
developed; in reality, from the moment when the Teuton entered into
history,
especially from the time when he became the decisive factor in Europe,
there has never been a moment's peace in the economic world; every
century
has a physiognomy of its own, and sometimes — as between the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries — one single century may experience greater
economic
upheavals than those which form a yawning gulf between the end of the
eighteenth
and the end of the nineteenth. I once had occasion to study thoroughly
the life of that glorious fourteenth century; I approached it not from
the standpoint of the pragmatic historian, but simply to get a really
vivid
idea of that energetic age in which the middle classes and freedom
flourished
so gloriously; one fact in particular struck me, that the great men of
that impetuously advancing century, the century of “rashly daring
progress“
* — a Jacob von Artevelde, a Cola Rienzi, a John Wyclif, an Etienne
Marcel
— were wrecked because they were not understood by contemporaries
reared
on the traditional views of the thirteenth century; they had clothed
their
thoughts in a new fashion too quickly. I almost believe that the haste,
which seems to us to be the special characteristic of our age, was
always
peculiar to us; we have never given ourselves time to live our lives;
the
distribution of property, the relations of class to class, in fact
everything
that makes up the public life of society is constantly swaying
backwards
and forwards. In comparison with economics even politics are enduring;
for the great dynamic interests, and later the interests of races, form
a heavy ballast, while trade, city life, the relative
* Lamprecht: Deutsches Städteleben am Schluss des Mittelalter,
1884, p. 36.
334 INDUSTRY
value of
agriculture,
the appearance and disappearance of the proletariat, the concentration
and distribution of capital, &c., are subject almost solely to the
influence of the “anonymous forces“ mentioned in the General
Introduction.
From all these considerations it is manifest that past civilisation can
scarcely in any respect be considered a still living “foundation“ of
the
Present.
AUTONOMY
OF MODERN INDUSTRY
As far as industry in particular is concerned, obviously not only the
conditions
of its existence depend on the caprices of Protean economics and fickle
politics, but it derives even its possibility and particular nature
first
and foremost from the state of our knowledge. There the equation — as
the
mathematician would say — receives two variable factors, the one of
which
(economics) is in every way inconstant, while the other (knowledge)
only
grows in a fixed direction, but with varying rapidity. Clearly industry
is very variable; it is often — as to-day — an all-consuming, but yet
uncertain
and inconstant entity. It may powerfully affect life and politics —
think
only of steam and electricity — yet it is not really an independent but
a derivative phenomenon, springing on the one hand out of the needs of
society, on the other from the capabilities of science. For this reason
its various stages have only a slight or no organic connection, for a
new
industry seldom grows out of an old one — it is called into life by new
wants and new discoveries. In the nineteenth century a perfectly new
industry
was dominant: being one of the great, new forces (vol. i. p.
lxxxii), it left its distinct, individual impression upon the
civilisation
of this century and revolutionised — as perhaps, no previous industry —
wide spheres of life. It was devised in the last quarter of the
eighteenth
and realised in the nineteenth century; what formerly stood, disappears
as
335 INDUSTRY
before a magic wand, and possesses for
us — I repeat — merely academic interest. The student will, of course,
find the idea of the steam-engine in earlier times: here he will have
to
consider not only, as is usually done, Papin, who lived one hundred
years
before Watt, and Hero of Alexandria, who flourished exactly two
thousand
years before Papin, but above all that wonderful magician Leonardo da
Vinci
who, in this sphere as in others, had with giant strides sped far in
front
of his age, dominated as it was by Church Councils and Inquisition
Courts.
Leonardo has left us an accurate sketch of a great steam-driven cannon,
and in addition he studied especially two problems, how to use steam to
propel ships and to pump water — the very purposes for which three
hundred
years later steam was first successfully employed. But neither his age
with its needs and political circumstances, nor science and its
apparatus
were sufficiently developed to allow these brilliant ideas to be turned
to practical account. When the favourable moment came, Leonardo's ideas
and experiments had long fallen into oblivion, and have only lately
been
brought to light again. The use of steam, as we know it, is something
altogether
new and must be discussed in connection with the nineteenth century,
since
we do not wish, any more than in preceding parts of this book, to allow
artificial divisions of time to influence our thought and judgment. But
what we have said is true not only of the revolution effected by steam,
and naturally to a still higher degree by electricity, which had not
even
begun a hundred years ago to be applied to industry, but also of those
great, all-important industries which pertain to the clothing of man,
and
consequently have in this sphere somewhat the same place as the
cultivation
of corn has in agriculture. The methods of spinning, weaving and sewing
have been completely changed, and the first steps were likewise taken
at
the end of the eighteenth century. Hargreaves patented his spinning
frame
in 1770,
336 INDUSTRY
Arkwright his
almost at the same time, the great idealist Samuel Crompton gave the
world
the perfect machine (the so-called Mule) about ten years later;
Jacquard's
loom was perfected in 1801; the first practical sewing machine, that of
Thimonnier, was not completed — in spite of attempts at the end of the
eighteenth century — till thirty years later. * Here too, of course,
there
had been previous attempts and ideas, and first of all we must again
think
of the great Leonardo, who invented a spinning machine which embodied
the
most brilliant ideas of later times and “is quite equal to the best
machines
of to-day“: in addition he experimented with the construction of looms,
machines for cutting cloth and the like. † But all this had no
influence
upon our age, and is consequently out of place here. Another fact
should
be noticed, that in by far the greater part of the world men still spin
and weave as they did centuries ago; in these very matters man is
extremely
conservative; ‡ but if he does make the change, it is made, like the
invention
itself — at one bound.
PAPER
Within the scope of this book, then, there remains little to be said
about
industry. But this little is not without significance. Just as our
science
can be called a “mathematical“ one, so our civilisation from the
* I have not been able to find in any language a really practical,
comprehensive
history of industry; the dates have with great trouble to be sought in
fifty different specialised treatises, and we may be glad to find
anything
at all, for the men of industry live wholly in the present and care
very
little about history. For the last subject, however, see
Hermann
Grothe: Bilder und Studien zur Geschichte vom Spinnen, Weben,
Nähen
(1875).
† Grothe, loc. cit., p. 21. More details in Grothe's Leonardo
da Vinci als Ingenieur, 1824, p. 80 f. Leonardo had infinite
talent in the invention of mechanism, as we can see by reading the
above
work.
‡ Grothe: Bilder und Studien, p. 27.
337 INDUSTRY
beginning
possesses
a definite character, or, we might say, a definite physiognomy; and,
moreover,
it is an industry which at that decisive turning-point, the twelfth to
the thirteenth century, laid upon our civilisation that special impress
which has been growing ever more pronounced; our civilisation is of
paper.
When we follow the usual practice of representing the invention of
printing
as the beginning of a new age, we are in error and are therefore
falsifying
history. In disproof of such an assertion we have, to begin with, only
to recall to mind the fact that the living source of a new age lies not
in this or that invention, but in the hearts of definite men; as soon
as
the Teuton began to found independent States and to shake off the yoke
of the Roman-theocratic Imperium, a new age was born; I have proved
this
in detail and do not need to return to the point. He who shares
Janssen's
opinion that it was printing which “gave wings to the intellect“ might
explain to us why the Chinese have not yet grown wings. And whoever
champions
with Janssen the thesis that this invention, which “gave wings to the
intellect,“
and in addition the whole “activity of intellectual life“ from the
fourteenth
century onwards are to be ascribed solely to the Roman Catholic
doctrine
of justification by works, might be good enough to explain why the
Hellenes,
who knew neither printing nor justification by works, were yet able to
soar so high on the wings of song and creative philosophy that it was
only
after great difficulty and long striving, and after having shaken off
the
fetters of Rome, that we succeeded in reaching a height which rivalled
theirs. * We may well give no heed to these foolish phrases. But even
in
the province of the concrete
* Janssen: Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, 16th edition, i, 3
and
8. This industrious and consequently useful compilation has really won
extravagant praise; it is fundamentally a party pamphlet in six
volumes,
unworthy either for its fidelity or its depth of becoming a household
book.
The German Catholic has as little reason to fear the
338 INDUSTRY
and sincere study
of history, the one-sided emphasising of the invention of printing
obscures
our insight into the historical course of our civilisation. The idea of
printing is very ancient; every stamp, every coin is a manifestation of
it; the oldest copy of the Gothic translation of the Bible, the
so-called
Codex
argenteus, is “printed“ on parchment by means of hot metal
types; the
decisive — because distinctive — thing is the manner in which the
Teutons
came to invent cast movable type and so practical printing, and this
again
is bound up with their recognition of the value of paper. For in its
origin,
printing is an application of paper. As soon as paper — i.e., a
suitable, cheap material for reproduction — was found, the industrious,
ingenious Teutons began in a hundred places (the Netherlands, Germany,
Italy, France) to seek a practical solution of the old problem, how to
print books mechanically. It will repay us to study the process
carefully,
especially as compendia and encyclopaedias are still very badly
informed
concerning the earliest history of our paper. In fact the matter has
only
been fully cleared up by the works of Josef Karabacek and Julius
Wiesner,
and the results form one of the most interesting contributions to the
knowledge
of Teutonic individuality. *
It seems that those industrious utilitarians, the Chinese,
truth
as any other German; but Janssen's method is systematic distortion of
truth,
and deliberate sullying of the best impulses of the German spirit.
* Karabacek: Das arabische Papier, eine historisch-antiquarische
Untersuchung,
Wien, 1887; and Wiesner: Die mikroskopische Untersuchung des
Papiers
mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der ältesten orientalischen
und
europäischen Papiere, Wien, 1887. The two scholars, each in
his
own special department, have investigated the matter simultaneously, so
that their works, though appearing separately, supplement each other
and
together form a whole. One result is of decisive importance, that paper
made of cotton nowhere occurs, and that the oldest pieces of Arab
manufacture
are made of rags (of linen or hemp), so that (in contrast to the former
assumption) the Teuton does not deserve credit even for the modest idea
of using linen instead of cotton. The details of the following are
taken
to a large extent from the two books.
339 INDUSTRY
first hit upon
the idea of making a cheap, convenient and universally suitable medium
for writing (in place of expensive parchment, still more expensive
silk,
comparatively rare papyrus, Assyrian bricks for writing on, &c.);
but
the assertion that they invented paper only partly represents the
facts.
The Chinese, who themselves used a papyrus perfectly similar to our
own,
* and knew its disadvantages, discovered how to make by artificial
process
from suitable plant fibres a writing material analogous to paper: that
is their contribution to the invention of paper. Chinese prisoners of
war
then brought this industry (roughly speaking, in the seventh century)
to
Samarkand, a city which was subject to the Arabian Khalif, and mostly
ruled
by almost independent Turkish princes, the inhabitants of which,
however,
consisted at that time of Persian Iranians. The Iranians — our
Indo-European
cousins — grasped the clumsy Chinese experiments with the higher
intelligence
of incomparably richer and more imaginative instincts and changed them
completely, in that they “almost immediately“ invented the making of
paper
from rags — so striking a change (especially when we think that the
Chinese
have not advanced any further to the present day!) that Professor
Karabacek
is certainly justified in exclaiming: “A victory of foreign genius over
the inventive gifts of the Chinese!“ That is the first stage: an
Indo-European
people, stimulated by the practical but very limited skill of the
Chinese,
invents paper “almost immediately“; Samarkand becomes for a long time
the
metropolis of the manufacture. Now follows the second and equally
instructive
stage. In the year 795 Harûn-al-
* The papyrus of the Chinese is the thinly cut medullary tissue of an Aralia,
as that of the ancients was the thinly cut medullary tissue of the Cyperus
papyrus. The use of this is still prevalent in China for painting
with
water-colours, &c. For details, see Wiesner: Die
Rohstoffe
des Pflanzenreiches, 1873, p. 458 f. (new enlarged edition,
1902,
ii,
429-463).
340 INDUSTRY
Raschîd
(a contemporary of Charlemagne) sent for workmen from Samarkand and
erected
a factory in Bagdad. The preparation was kept a State secret; but
wherever
Arabs went, paper accompanied them, particularly to Moorish Spain, that
land where the Jews were for long predominant and where paper can be
proved
to have been in use from the beginning of the tenth century. Hardly
any,
on the other hand, came to Teutonic Europe, and, if it did, it was only
as a mysterious material of unknown origin. This went on till the
thirteenth
century. For nearly 500 years, therefore, the Semites and half-Semites
held the monopoly of paper, time enough, if they had possessed a spark
of invention, if they had experienced the slightest longing for
intellectual
work, to have developed this glorious weapon of the intellect into a
power.
And what did they do with it during all this period — a span of time
greater
than from Gutenberg to the present day? Nothing, absolutely nothing.
All
they could do was to make promissory notes of it, and in addition a few
hundred dreary, wearisome, soul-destroying books: the invention of the
Iranian serving to bowdlerise the thoughts of the Hellene in the form
of
spurious learning! Now followed the third stage. In the course of the
Crusades
the secret of the manufacture, guarded with such intellectual poverty,
was revealed. What the poor Iranian, wedged in between Semites, Tartars
and Chinese, had invented, was now taken over by the free Teuton. In
the
last years of the twelfth century exact information concerning the
making
of paper reached Europe; the new industry spread like wild-fire through
every country; in a few years the simple instruments of the East were
no
longer sufficient; one improvement followed another; in the year 1290
the
first regular paper-mill was erected in Ravensburg; it was scarcely one
hundred years before block-printing (of whole books even) had become
common,
and in fifty years more
341
INDUSTRY
printing with
movable letters was in full swing. And are we really to believe that
this
printing first “gave wings to our intellect“? What a contempt of the
facts
of history! What a poor appreciation of the value of Teutonic
individuality!
We surely see that it was, on the contrary, the winged intellect that
actually
forced on the invention of printing. While the Chinese never advanced
further
than printing with awkward flat pieces of wood (and that only after
painful
groping for about one thousand years), while the Semitic peoples had
found
next to no use for paper — in the whole of Teutonic Europe and
especially
in its centre, Germany, “the wholesale production of cheap paper
manuscripts“
had at once become an industry. * Even Janssen tells us that in
Germany,
long before printing with cast type had begun, the most important
products
of Middle High German poetry, books of folk-lore, sagas, popular
medical
treatises, &c., were offered for sale. † And Janssen conceals the
fact
that from the thirteenth century onwards the Bible, especially the New
Testament, translated into the languages of the various nations, had
been
spread by paper through many parts of Europe, so that the emissaries of
the Inquisition, who themselves knew only a few pruned passages from
the
Holy Scripture, were astonished to meet peasants who repeated the four
Gospels by heart from beginning to end. ‡ Paper at the same time spread
the liberating influence of works like those of Scotus Erigena among
the
many thousands who were educated enough to read Latin (see p. 274).
As soon as paper was available, in all European countries there
followed
the more or less distinct revolt against Rome, and immediately, as a
reaction
against this, the prohibition to read the Bible and the introduction of
the
* Vogt und Koch: Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur, 1897, p.
218.
More details in any of the larger histories.
† Loc. cit. i, 17.
‡ Cf. p. 132, note 1.
342 INDUSTRY
Inquisition (p.
132). But the longing for intellectual freedom, the instinct of the
race born to rule, the mighty ferment of that intellect which we
recognise
to-day by its subsequent achievements, would not be tyrannised and
dammed
up. The demand for reading and knowledge grew day by day; there were as
yet no books (in our sense), but there were already booksellers who
travelled
from fair to fair and sold enormous quantities of clean, cheap copies
printed
on paper; the invention of printing was rendered inevitable. Hence,
too,
the peculiar history of this invention. New ideas like the
steam-engine,
the sewing machine, &c., have generally to fight hard for
recognition;
but printing was everywhere expected with such impatience that it is
scarcely
possible at the present day to follow the course of its development. At
the same time as Gutenberg is experimenting with the casting of letters
in Mayence, others are doing the same in Bamberg, Harlem, Avignon and
Venice.
And when the great German had finally solved the riddle, his invention
was at once understood and imitated, it was improved and developed,
because
it met a universal and pressing need. In 1450 Gutenberg's printing
press
was set in motion, and twenty-five years from that time there were
presses
in almost all the cities of Europe. Indeed in some of the cities of
Germany
— Augsberg, Nürnberg, Mayence — there were twenty or more presses
at work. How hungrily does the Teuton, pining under the heavy yoke of
Rome,
grasp at everything that gives freedom to manhood! It is almost like
the
madness of despair. The number of separate works printed between 1470
and
1500 is estimated at ten thousand; all the then known Latin authors
were
printed before the end of the century; in the next twenty years all the
available Greek poets and thinkers followed. * But men were not content
with the past
* Green: History
of the English People iii. p. 195.
343 INDUSTRY
alone; the Teuton
at once devoted himself to the investigation of nature, and that too in
the right way, starting from mathematics; Johannes Müller of
Königsberg
in Franconia, called Regiomontanus, founded between 1470 and 1475 a
special
press in Nürnberg to print mathematical works; * numerous German,
French, and Italian mathematicians were thereby stimulated to work in
mechanics
and astronomy; in 1525 the great Albrecht Dürer of Nürnberg
published
the first Geometry in the German language, and soon after there also
appeared
in Nürnberg the De Revolutionibus of Copernicus. In other
branches
of discovery man had not been idle, and the first newspaper, which
appeared
in 1505, “actually contains news from Brazil.“ †
Nothing
could surely bring more clearly home to us the great importance of an
industry
for all branches of life than the history of paper; we see, too, how
all-important
it is into whose hands an invention falls. The Teuton did not invent
paper;
but what had remained a useless rag to Semites and Jews became, thanks
to his incomparable and individual racial gifts, the banner of a new
world.
How just is Goethe's remark: “The first and last thing for man is
activity,
and we cannot do anything without the necessary talent or the impelling
instinct .... Carefully considered, even the meanest talent is innate,
and there is no indefinite capacity.“ ‡ Any one who knows the history
of
paper and still persists in believing in the equality of the human
races
is beyond all help.
The introduction of paper is unquestionably the most pregnant event in
the whole of our industrial history. All else is comparatively of very
little importance. The advance in textile industries, mentioned at the
beginning of this section, and to a higher degree the invention of the
* Gerhardt: Geschichte der Mathematik in Deutschland, 1877, p.
15.
† Lamprecht: Deutsche Geschichte, v. 122.
‡ Lehrjahre, Book VIII. c. iii.
344 INDUSTRY
steam-engine,
the steamboat and the locomotive, were the first things that exercised
as deep an influence upon life; but even they were not nearly so
important
as paper, because the invention of the locomotive, which has made the
earth
accessible to all (as paper has the realm of thought), contributes not
directly, but indirectly, to the increase of our intellectual
possessions.
But I am convinced that the careful observer will notice everywhere the
activity of these same capacities, which have revealed themselves with
such brilliancy in the history of paper. I may therefore regard my
object
as fulfilled, when I have by this one example pointed out not only the
most important achievement, but at the same time the decisive
individual
characteristics of our modern industry.
End
of page. Last update: April 3rd, 2004.
