Here under follows the transcription of the chapter Bruno of Houston Stewart Chamberlain's Immanuel Kant, published by John Lane, The Bodley Head, 1914.

Giordano Bruno

Bruno
From an old Engraving


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See also the reviews of this book:
Kant in the 20th century. Review in the London Times Literary Supplement, 1914
Kritische Urteile über Chamberlain's Kant. Collection of reviews in german, 1909

 

VOLUME I page
INTRODUCTORY 3
GOETHE 13
LEONARDO 101
DESCARTES 197
BRUNO 311




VOLUME II
PLATO 3
KANT 169
NOTES 415
INDEX 513

309


BRUNO

CRITICISM AND DOGMATISM
 
WITH AN EXCURSUS ON THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY

Upon the boundary between time
and eternity, between primeval re-
presentation and single creatures,
between the world of thought and
the world of the senses, sharing
the essence of both, and, as it were,
filling the gap between the ends
which fly apart — set up upon the
horizon of Nature — stands Man.
Giordano Bruno.

310

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BRUNO

AT the close of my last lecture I hinted at a day of dreams: this may well have seemed strange to you; for Giordano Bruno, who was born in 1548, five years after the publication of Copernicus' work upon the subject of the movements of the heavenly bodies, is the first great thinker who grasped and assimilated the new interpretation of the cosmic universe, — the new idea of countless planets circling round innumerable star-suns, — and that with such passionate enthusiasm that he makes it his starting-point for every series of thoughts in his many-sided undertakings. In a certain sense we might therefore not without justification affirm that he was the only man who was awakened in a world which was still dreaming the old Egyptian dream, more or less tricked out with Christian decorations, and vamped up by science — the dream of Heaven above, the Earth in the middle, Hell below. And yet it was he who was the dreamer, while many a man who in opposition to him held fast to the belief in the immovability of the earth, was a mere prosaic realist. 1 What we have to distinguish is this: who was it that made it his first business to look out upon the world of empiricism in the earnest endeavour clearly to grasp its concrete visible phenomena? And who was it that made it his first duty to look into his own inner self, and consult his reason as to the question of the essence of the world? In the first case we may cite Descartes as the example, in the second Bruno. Both might be dreamers, the first perhaps more so than the second; for dreams

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are fed by phantasy, and phantasy in its turn is fed by nature; the man whose mind is turned actively outwards, will possess a rich inner store of ideas, and with them food for daring dreams: still, dreams of that kind depend upon reality, whereas the true dreamer in the usual popular acceptation of the word, busies himself less with reality itself than with his own thoughts about it, and looks upon these thoughts as the most real of realities. While a Descartes looks upon his own thought as he would upon any obvious phenomenon of nature, and pursues his anatomical studies of the brain in the hope of discovering special organs of memory, of judgment, and so forth, — a Bruno is rather inclined to mistrust the evidence of the senses — il senso non e principio di certezza — and to presume that truth exists only in Reason and springs from the fire of dialectical argument. 2 This last mode of thought, the purely scholastic, is one which we have not yet come across in our lectures; for neither Goethe, nor Leonardo, nor Descartes is concerned with it; and I think we shall learn much that will be new to us about that which is distinctive in Kant's intellectual personality, if we compare it with this scholastic mode of seeing and thinking. For it is a certain fact that Kant was a specific thinker, a man who, like Bruno, devoted the greatest part and the best powers of his life to investigation by means of thought, and that so far he too might be called a schoolman, and so appears to belong to the same group as Bruno; and yet in spite of that Bruno is further removed from Kant than Goethe, and Leonardo, and Descartes are. Here, therefore, we are compelled to have recourse to analysis, and in accordance with our principles this analysis must rest upon perception and not upon the abstract: we must always use our eyes in the matter: otherwise we cannot be sure whether we are thinking thoughts, or merely stringing words together. We must, however, carefully consider how we are to

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go to work in order to arrive at a perceptible side in the scholastic mode of thought. Here we must less than ever be afraid of taking the long way round if it will but lead us to this desirable result. I think that what I have said about the dreamer, and the briefly sketched distinction between the dreaming of a Descartes and the dreaming of a Bruno, are well fitted to guide us in the right way.
    As a matter of fact, in every philosophy involuntary dream-shadows play an important part: without them no philosophy can come to anything. These dream-shadows are certain general forms, peculiar from the very outset, springing out of the inborn nature of the intellect of every thinker; and even though their possible individual combinations may be so inexhaustible both in numbers and variety that it would be ridiculous to believe that the one personality and its thoughts could in any way be satisfactorily characterised by being drawn up into a Scheme, — still, by comprehensively and keenly observing the phenomena, we may be able to refer the possible primary forms of philosophies to a few heads, just as we are able perspicuously to comprise more than a million forms of animals in eight or nine clearly definable types. Indeed, I believe that some such investigation of the possible principal aims of all human philosophies, thought out according to the principles of natural science, with systematic classification, would be an indispensable complement for every history of philosophy: for while the essence of all history is the giving prominence to that which is conditioned by time, the stress laid upon that which is necessarily eternal constitutes the essence of true science.
    I should like, therefore, at the outset of this lecture, to introduce the analytical excursus which will give us a general view of abstract things. I promised you a day of dreams: many dreams will pass before you, and you

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must not be impatient if sometimes we seem to go far astray: I shall never for a moment lose sight of the goal. And if we reach so far that we are able clearly to distinguish the various specifically different myths and dreams from one another, then the comparison between Kant and Bruno, which is no exposition of doctrines, but an exact comprehension of personal intellectual aptitudes, will be easy to effect quickly and surely; and I hope that it will be of great service to us, since it teaches us to distinguish with perfect clearness and sharpness between Dogmatism and Criticism. You will henceforth see how Kant, and with his exception Plato alone, stand upon a different footing from all other philosophers. You will seem to be crossing over from one world into another, and that other world is nothing more than the world as Kant viewed it.

* * * * * *
 
    In the dream of sleep there arises a medley of what the eyes have seen by day, and of the discoveries of our free thought: each of these two elements is inseparably joined to the other: without the fusion of the two no dream could occur. What takes place here in the passive function of the brain of the sleeper, recurs at every step of intellectual potentiality. The whole life of thought is, as we showed in detail in the previous lecture, a product, that is to say, the result of at least two components: and here, as Aristotle taught us (see p. 101), we can always distinguish between an “activity“ and a “passivity.“ But nowhere does this manifest itself so clearly as in that extreme object of comparison with the dream of the sleeper, — the fully conscious, creative philosophy of important intellects. What in the one we called dream, we may here call myth: dream and myth are intimately related, as you will have many opportunities of seeing more exactly in the course of to-day's lecture.

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Aristotle rightly derives all philosophy from the invention of Myths, and pronounces it as his opinion that every Philo-Mythos must of necessity be a Philo-Sophos, — that is, whoever views the world in the sense of the myth, will be able to think of the world in the sense of philosophy. 3 To be sure, Aristotle regards that as nothing more than a first step, and he looks upon himself as having quite outgrown the myth stage, and as having reached the positive final truth; and yet to-day we all smile at the simplicity of the great man whose views of nature swarm with demonstrable blunders, so that no natural science was possible until his fatal authority had been broken down. The man who soars high enough will perceive that Aristotle simply replaced one myth by another, just as later the Aristotelian myths were crushed by other new ones, — since absolutely no philosophy, however empirical it may be, can dispense with myths, not only as helps and stopgaps here and there, but as a fundamental element pervading the whole. We are not all possessed of Aristotle's keenness of intellect, and if we see philosophy growing out of the myth which is akin to the dream, we still all incline to the Aristotelian simplicity, and believe that the myth has at last been conquered by science, — whereas, as a matter of fact, the investigation of Nature has only resulted in the multiplication of Myths.
    It is only the so-called “positive intellect“ which can content itself with few fictions, and is proud of it: but what distinguishes the positivist is not that, as he imagines, he is living in pure “reality,“ but, on the contrary, that he contrives to get on with a minimum of “reality“; he takes his stand upon the domain of indifference, in the inner middle space between empiricism and reason, perception and thought, dream and fiction, so that all impressions and intellectual impulses are reciprocally neutralised in him, and that all that which

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has been so bountifully bestowed upon us men emerges as summa summarum, Zero. Apart from this pseudo-vegetative filling of maw and purse, called positivism, men are all dependent upon myths, as much to-day as they were thousands of years ago. And this because doubleness, twofoldness, is a fundamental phenomenon of the human being, and because we have no other means of bridging over the gulf between perception and understanding, between nature and the Ego, than by myths more or less consciously invented or dreamt. I set that out now without further explanation, because you have already seen in the previous lecture that we are always forced to schematise our perceptions and to symbolise our thoughts, without which we should have neither perceptions nor thoughts. Our whole thought-life is based upon a violent and, so to speak, artificial activity. In the meantime it is enough that I should have called your attention to the gulf which is present everywhere, and to its bridging over by the Dream-ideas of man. This bridging over, when it exists in the largest, most comprehensive sense, with a view to the creation of a unified world-picture, is a myth.
    The myth, this conscious waking dream, like the dream of the sleeper, has always a double root. On the one hand it grows from contemplation of nature, while on the other hand it springs from man's reflections upon his own Ego. The myth is therefore not only a picture but also a thought; it contains an element of the senses as well as an element which is not of the senses. How right Aristotle is with his equation Philomythos-Philosophos, how demonstrably true it is that philosophy develops itself out of mythology, we shall see with perfect clearness when we go back to the old Aryan Indians. The great vault of heaven, the sun in its daily course, the blush of the dawn, the moon, the stars, the winds, the clouds, the lightning, the bounteous rain falling upon earth, the flame that rises heavenward from the homely
 
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hearth, all, in short, that the eye sees in its simplest lines, is the foundation, — the whole foundation — of the rich myths which we meet in the Rig-Veda. But these faithfully observed outer conditions of nature become thoughts and religion through the relation which they bear to man and which man bears to them. What the eyes perceive outwardly is conceived as a reflection of what is experienced within, and the inner experience seems in its turn to be a reflection of what takes place outwardly; and so eternally the pendulum swings to and fro. The unconsciously arrived at and utterly simple presumption is that the Cosmic and the Human are similar, that they reciprocally penetrate one another, that the macrocosmos might, without more ado, be indicated and understood by the microcosmos; “nothing is within, nothing is without; for what is within, that is without.“ Nature is identical with man, man identical with nature. Any thought of a distinction does not yet exist. Such was the prayer which the old Aryan herdsman addressed to the gods of the dawn, — the knightly Ashwins, forerunners of the Hellenic heavenly twins, — in the days when he dwelt in the highlands and possessed nothing resembling an abstract philosophy: not only did he pray for help against the dangers of the night, but also for knowledge, for wisdom; how would it be possible that the conqueror of the dangers of the night, the morning herald of the Sun, should not also be a conqueror of the night of ignorance, a giver of spiritual enlightenment. Not only does such a prayer say, “awaken the joy of courage in us,“ a thing which the least imaginative of mankind might expect from the fresh breath of morning, but it says at the same time, “and bring us knowledge.“ 4 In the same way to the Sun-god Savitar is addressed the prayer, not only that he may bestow upon mankind the light which is the object of his desire, but also that he may “give furtherance to

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thought.“ 5 When the Sun rises I become wise: I have but to open my eyes and to perceive everything; I find myself illuminated in surrounding nature, and nature illuminated in me. As the Rig-Veda says, “In the heart Varuna created Will, in Heaven the Sun.“ Of the same nature are both.
    What is before us here is precisely the same as that which we to-day in our abstract and circumstantial train of thought call the “identity of thinking and being,“ that which once more came to high honour through Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel, but which also is the hidden foundation of Schopenhauer's doctrine, and amongst our contemporaries is not less conspicuous in such widely different intellects as Dühring and Wundt. What is with perfect simplicity set out by metaphysically gifted but primitive peoples, — seeing that the very thought of the possibility of a distinction between world and man, between that which is seen and that which is thought, does not occur and could not be understood, — is introduced afresh as doctrine by these philosophers. For instance, Giordano Bruno, who in this, as in most things, approaches nearly to Plotinus, teaches expressly that the ladder of the emotions of the mind (affetti) exactly corresponds to the ladder of nature, and so mirrors all the modes of Being (mostra tutte le specie de lo ente). 6
    It is essential to our work to-day that in this identification of that which is seen and that which is thought, and, if it be carried further, of Nature and Understanding, we should recognise the primeval Myth of all Myths: it is an identification which, from the earliest times of which we have any knowledge, has possessed a great significance for the philosophy of the Indo-European race. As a matter of fact, there is here a yawning gulf, and it is not only a cleft between world and man — considered as two separate entities — and between perception and thought — looked upon as two different
 
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functions — but it is also reflected in Seeing and Thinking, and is the cause of our neither being able purely to perceive the world, nor purely to think, nor to look upon our own special self fully as subject or fully as object. That is the fundamental fact of our whole intellectual life, as it has been once for all established by Immanuel Kant. But man, when he was still completely unsophisticated, was not conscious of this fact, and connected the sides of the gulf by a bridge, which was no less obvious and iridescent than the rainbow upon which the German gods entered the Valhalla, but which was equally devoid of objective capability and carrying power. It is over this same bridge that mankind still wanders to and fro, though some engage as their guide the giant Schopenhauer, others the dwarf Büchner, while the greater number take any one of the numerous Dii minores. Looked at from a sufficient perspective distance, the difference between the unsophisticated creeds of an ancient Aryan contemplative herdsman, and the highly elaborated tenets of a Hegel, will resolve itself into a difference of degree; the critical solution is the only complete solution of the eternal riddle.
    Since then this primeval myth was a fiction, — a violent assumption, — it was impossible to rest content with it. As in sleep dream begets dreams, so was it necessary that from the one myth others should be born, otherwise the bridge in mid-air would vanish, and the precipice would yawn at our feet. So, in the first place, we observe that the stem of the most primitive all-embracing myth forks into two main branches, just as inclination prefers to lay chief stress upon that which is thought, or upon that which is seen; speaking from the point of view of looking Upon man as epitome and conception of the world, or, on the contrary, upon the world as the unfolding and visible representation of man. In the last case, — that is to say, where precedence had been given to the Seen

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over the Thought, in course of time men reached an artificial philosophy, as happened in Greece, where the abstract thinkers everywhere held to that which is visible and capable of being represented, and always appeared in the character of creators or formers. Think of Democritus who invented the evidence of the atoms in the interests of an abstract cosmic mechanism, and Aristotle who brought the logical functions of our intellect into visible schemes. In the first case, that is to say, where men were inclined to lay stress upon thought alone, the result was that by degrees nature (apart from man) and the visible world, which had served as starting-point for the primeval myth, were lost to sight: their very existence was as far as possible denied, and every perceptible thing was more and more degraded in the thoughts of men, as in India when the Brahmans were at their zenith, where at last thought alone, pure and bare of all ideas, remained, the Ego in its highest potentiality, the all-embracing, unindividual Self (Paramâtman). 7 Greeks and Indians have in all probability a common ancestry, and yet how different are the goals which they attain! You see how the direction of mythical thought and the direction of the development of culture go hand in hand.
    But we must still linger for a moment over this first branching into two essentially different directions of the primeval myth of the identity of thinking and seeing; for we shall soon have to consider a variegated series of most highly complicated networks of thought, and these will only remain perceptible if we have from the beginning fixed our eyes clearly upon the mythical element. We are now acquainted with the great primitive myth, and we have just seen, how that same myth can give birth to two such different modes of contemplating the world, that nearly related peoples reach the opposite ends of the scale of thought. But it is easy for us to show the existence of these two chief branches in the souls of our

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thinkers down to the present day, and so to learn to recognise the perceptibly mythical where we imagine abstraction to be at work in its utmost potentiality.
    If I have up to the present spoken of man and world as in opposition to one another, I have done so because that is the conception with which we are chiefly concerned to-day. But these conceptions are too complicated and too abstract for unsophisticated nations; the first distinction, demonstrable even in the most primitive peoples, — a proved ethnological fact — is that which exists between those who are gifted with souls and those who are not so gifted. And since the idea of a soul is everywhere connected with that of breath, while breathing is the most important symptom of life, so the distinction between the man of soul and the man of no soul, is fused into that between a man who is alive and a man who is not alive. I, the man, the thinker, am gifted with soul and gifted with life; the stone that lies in my hand, the thing seen, the piece of nature, is evidently soulless and lifeless. But, upon more penetrating reflection, out of the primitive myth which makes the comparison of man and nature the foundation of all philosophy two opposite conclusions arise; for one school says, “I live and am gifted with soul, therefore everything lives and has a soul“; whereas the others have come to this conclusion: the world around me is a piece of mechanism, without life and without soul, therefore the Ego is the same. We will begin by making ourselves further acquainted with these two doctrines by examples; that will lead us to the workshop where the philosophies are hammered out.
    The group of the older Hellenic thinkers, however much their opinions may differ, are usually included under the name of Hylozoists, men who considered that all matter, that is to say, the whole Cosmos, was gifted with life. The often quoted saying of Thales that everything is full of Gods, 8 finds an exactly corresponding

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formula some 2250 years later in Bruno when, in the Spaccio, he says: la natura, come devi sapere, non é altro che Dio nelle cose, “Nature, you must know, is nothing else than God in things.“ Bruno, the dreamer, the man whose glance is altogether directed inwards and who therefore fancies that he discovers an “inner“ everywhere, — Bruno cannot imagine that even stones can be without senses and souls (non est, crede, lapis sine animâ et sine in suo genere sensu, I², 158). 9 And in the nineteenth century there lived an important, exact investigator of nature, Fechner, who pretended to have nothing to say to the phantasies of mythicism and mysticism, and who in spite of that looked upon the universe as a “Cosmorganism,“ and upon the constellations as half-way stations between their inhabitants and the “psycho-physical all-being“ God. 10 You can see how the myth, “I live, therefore everything lives,“ may lead to the most widely different thought, from the pure scholastic to the pure natural-scientific. Yet investigators and thinkers of equal importance created, and have created from the beginning of time, out of this same instinctive comparison of thought and seeing, a perception in contrast to it, that is to say, perception itself: nothing is alive, — nowhere in embodied nature are there any Gods. Such men direct their attention in the main to nature, and thence pay the more heed to the mechanism of occurrences; as a matter of consequence, in their view the part played by the soul shrinks away more and more. We need only think of the view held of nature by our exact science of to-day, and of the oscillations of the aether as they were treated of in the Leonardo lecture; that which is alive in light, that which in light is of direct significance for the human soul, — namely colour, entirely disappeared before our eyes; colour became in the end a superfluous, very inaccurate name for a number; then came the most advanced of the physicists and said, “we do not want

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your whole visible Cosmos; an empty space with energy is enough for us“ (see p. 130 seq.). The man who was the absolute first to bring forward the idea of oscillations, Descartes, had the consistency to penetrate further inwards, and by the setting up of his famous theory of automata, to quash the idea of life not only in stones and constellations, but even of life in living beings. The body of animals, and a fortiori the form of plants, is, according to him, a machine: Je ne reconnais aucune différence entre les machines que font les artisans et les divers corps que la nature seule compose; all motions can be explained en même façon que le mouvement d'une montre est produit par la seule force de son ressort et la figure de ses roues (Les passions de l'âme, XVI), and so Descartes reaches the firm conviction, that, with the single exception of mankind, all animals are automata, that is to say, unconscious, that they possess no in any way formed anima and no sensus; — in short, that they have no life. But Descartes goes further, or at any rate he is inclined to go further. In his Passions de l'âme, he confines even the soul of man to the action of the Will, and to those sensations which find a response in the will, and not long before his death he confessed to a specially insistent correspondent that he only referred the whole understanding of the senses (l'imaginer) and sensation (le sentir) to the living soul, in so far as they were bound up with the body; pure thought thus remains alone as something living, belonging to the soul, — a thought that neither imagines nor feels. 11 That is hardly more than an unthinkable phantom, a mere vindication of the soul. It would be difficult to explain what this man, who fought so hotly and unceasingly for pure perception, had in his mind here; difficult to explain at any rate as what it was, namely the mere reversal of the unsophisticated mythological Hylozoism, unless India had once more furnished us with the full clue through the development of the same

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idea pushed to its utmost possibilities, — Being insisted upon as opposed to Thought, Nature as opposed to Man. A thinker named Kapila, who lived some 2500 years before Descartes, and may have been almost a contemporary of Thales, taught as “a final, refined, infallible, absolute recognition“ the sacramental words, I AM NOT. Not only is everything not full of Gods, not only are neither stones nor beasts alive, — no — man himself is not alive, even I, who am thus thinking, am not alive. “With these words, I AM NOT,“ as an Indian commentator observes, “all that takes place inwardly, the distinctions of the organ of judgment, the delusions of the subjective organ, the consolidation of the inner sense, and the perceptions of the other senses, together with the outer functions of the body, are denied to the Ego.“ 12 But if both that which takes place within and that which takes place without are denied to life, then of all that is apparent only the original matter, the “root — primary-form,“ as Kapila calls it, remains, and my own body, together with the thoughts of the brain, and the feelings of the nerve-system, is a mechanical Automaton. Kapila was a freer man than Descartes, he did not live under the tyranny of Christian compulsory beliefs, and so he could dare to follow mechanical thought to its furthest possibilities, and said to himself: even that which chiefly distinguishes man, the power of coming to logical conclusions, to form judgments, is still bound up with a material organ, and this organ, the brain, is “since it belongs to matter, non-intellectual, and therefore that which it establishes (i.e. the conclusions) becomes just as unintellectual as a pot and other objects.“ Life becomes a mere hoax, since “the unintellectual inner body is perceived as apparently intellectual, and in the same way the soul which has no share in activity is represented as active.“ 13 This soul that has no share in activity is the pure Self free from all dross,

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from which all that is implied by doing is excluded; it is unconditioned and absolutely isolated, that is separated from matter,“ and as soon as the “delusion of subjectivity,“ as Kapila calls it, has lost itself, “it looks upon matter immovable and contented.“ 14 That corresponds with tolerable accurary to Descartes' idea of the pure intellection (II, 257) of the moi (literally the Self of the Indian), qui est entièrement distinct du corps, 15 of a soul (Descartes prefers the word Intellect), which is something else than the phantasy of the Senses (l'imagination purement corporelle, XI, 266). It may be a matter of surprise to you to meet with the expression soul or intellect here. Do not be too hasty in your judgment. I reminded you just now of the empty space of our physicists: here you have the exact counterpart, the empty soul, the empty Ego. That idea of the empty space with nothing in it but motion is no mere joke, no extravagance of thrashers-out-of-thought gone mad, but on the contrary a theoretical acceptation to which prosaic, positive, antimystic investigators of nature are driven; just as little is this empty soul of Kapila and Descartes a purposeless image of thought; follow to the end one of those two paths which branch out from it, and it becomes far rather the inevitable, necessary result of that first unconscious act of power, of the contrast between man and nature, between thought and perception. 16
    These examples are enough to show you how deeply
the simple primitive myth in all times, and even in the supposed newest results of human thought, reaches into the very inmost core of our philosophies. Whether the creation of form or the annihilation of form, whether the inclination to bestow a soul upon matter, or the inclination to materialise that which belongs to the soul be predominant; — both tendencies may be referred to dreamy mythical presumptions, from which they of necessity proceed. But I think that we are now able to

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observe in detail how far even series of thoughts, that are in appearance perfectly abstract, always go back to natural myths. We must in the first place take for our instruction a consistent concrete example, and it will be wise to confine ourselves to Greece, since Greek philosophy is universally known, and may be viewed in perspective from a sufficient distance: I must of course set to work with aphoristic brevity. But if once we obtain a clear idea of the development from Thales to Aristotle in main lines, we shall, I hope, be enabled to gain a complete perception of all those philosophies which are based upon myth, so that nothing will remain but the purely critical comprehension of the world-problem as opposed to every form of dogma, — that comprehension which Plato guessed at, and Kant developed in full perspicuity.
    Thales, who looked upon the world as full of the deity, nevertheless did not make use of the Godhead like the Jews as a Deus ex machinâ for the creation of the world: the belief in Gods with whom he afterwards peopled nature was rather the creation of his own soul. But when once he began to look not into himself but into nature, he saw, like Homer, that everything must take place according to the immutable laws of mechanical necessity, and he held the opinion that the world must have developed itself out of some primitive element or primitive matter (στοιχείον), and that this primitive matter, the first cause of all visible things, was Water. Whence did he get this idea? Aristotle saw its origin in the primeval Hellenic myth of Oceanus and his consort Tethys, the first creators of all things, and now we are in a position to point still further back, namely to the myth of creation of the Rig-Veda, according to which the earth, with its life and love, was in the same way developed out of the dark flood of the waters. Something of the same sort, but expressed in somewhat different words, is the doctrine of modern natural science.
 
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    There is then no actual conscious difference between man, God, and the World; the identity of that which is gifted with soul and that which is not so gifted, still seems a quite unsophisticated expression: everything possesses soul, everything is full of Gods, and at the same time everything is purely substantial and developed mechanically out of matter.
    Inasmuch as it already contains rather more logic and rather less perception, Philosophy becomes much more complicated in the first Hellenic thinker who markedly turns away from Thales. In theory Heraclitus is just as monistic and just as hylozoistic as Thales, but if we follow up the course of his thought we see that he takes  Man as his centre, — and distinguishes below him the World, above him the Divine. We may even say that Heraclitus is rather a thinker than an observer of nature,  though that should not, as our manuals tell us, be considered as progress; it is simply a question of personal disposition. Heraclitus exactly grasps at the primeval mythical idea of Breath, of the Breath of life, which is common to all Indo-Europeans, as the fundamental principle of the universal All. The Indian word prâna has exactly the same meaning as the Greek synonym of Heraclitus πνεύμα, in the first place wind, air, then breath, and thence also life, and finally, looked upon as the invisible part of life, intellect or soul. Even the hagion pneuma, the Holy Ghost of Christian mythology, is the descendant in a straight line of the sacred Prâna of the Vedas. You see how these two, Thales and Heraclitus, stand opposite to one another in the plainest mythical simplicity. The one looks out upon nature, and says, “there must be a fundamental element, — water“; the other looks inward into himself and says, “here there must be a fundamental element, the breath of life.“ That is much the same contrast as you saw before between Descartes and Bruno.

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    Now, however, we must go a step further, in the endeavour to investigate how Heraclitus out of this unity developed something double, that is to say, the world and that which is above the world.
    The fundamental element, the breath of man, the invisible principle of life, condenses itself according to him downwards into a visible world, — upwards into the empyrean, purified into a conception of Divinity; for both purposes Heraclitus again clings to mythical ideas. Fire he praises as the material bearer of the breath of life, and so far the Creator of the perceptible All, since for him the primitive being is called πνεύμα και πύρ, Breath and Fire. That too is a primeval Aryan myth, taken from a hundred observations of nature, followed by a comparison of thinking and action: Fire in heaven as daylight and warmth, Fire in lightning, Fire on the hearth, and as consumer of the sacrifice, — again the warmth of the body in life, in contradistinction to the cold of death; the glow of the flowing blood, and the warm bowels of the newly killed sacrificial victim, — is anything more wanted to prove that fire and life are one? Small wonder that the old Indian books expressly teach the equal significance of these two pneuma kai pur, “That fire which is this world, is also the Prâna, the breath of life.“ 17
    And now for the idea of Heraclitus as to the Godhead. It is wonderfully exquisite. Heraclitus is, as you have seen, fundamentally a monist: the meaning of his pneuma kai pur is this, — the essence of the invisible Ego (the breath of life) and the essence of the visible world (fire) is one and the same. This harmony between the invisible and the visible, between that which is thought and that which is perceived, is identical on one side with that which I feel as Destiny in the apparent accidents of my life, and on the other side with the inviolable divine necessity of that which has occurred, which I see in
 
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nature: if I look out upon nature (fire), I call that universal harmony the order of the world (cosmos), — if I think upon it in my Ego (in the breath of life), then I call it Logos, the Word that is from the beginning. 18 For sentient philosopher these different names are Harmony, Fate, Necessity, Order of the World, Logos, — all nothing but different designations for the one Divine principle: but if a man takes his stand not upon the  point of reflection, but of practical and political life, then he must honour this Divine principle under the idea of Zeus. That is why Heraclitus utters that deep simple, and for that reason only much-disputed, and in many ways misunderstood, saying, “The one, the only one that knows, may not, and yet may well be invoked under the name Zeus.“ 19
    That is the way in which the best men of Greece thought about God some five hundred years before the birth of Christ; it was a lofty and beautiful perception, hovering in harmony between nature as seen by the eyes and the invisible Ego, and full of incitements to thought. But then came the great split. In Greece up to that time the Ego and the world had been held without any more ado to be identical: not in any way as if men had dogmatised over this identity, but it was looked upon as an open fact, and not a matter brought in question. It was possible to insist with Thales on the visible element of Nature, or with Heraclitus upon breathing thought; but that there was or might be a double possibility, that was a point upon which there was as yet no mistake. Then came reflection, and so it was that Nature and the Ego separated. The desperate attempts of the Eleatists,  who shrank before no sophistry, to enforce the mathematical unity of all existence as dogma, are chiefly interestIng to us as a symptom of the rupture which had taken place and could never again be satisfactorily adjusted. And just as the Ego and Nature had fallen asunder, so

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too did now God and the World; consequently new conceptions had to be hammered out, new philosophies to be built up. But, in spite of all, visible nature never lost her dream-awakening power over our phantasy, and the fundamental myths held their own, as you will soon see, with slight and merely superficial changes. But from now on attention becomes necessary in order to disentangle the mythical element as such out of the fray.
    As you doubtless know it was Anaxagoras who, with his idea of νούς, founded a new conception of the Divinity. Nous is generally translated, though in admittedly unsatisfactory fashion, by “thinking essence,“ or more shortly by “reason.“ If I understand the explanations of the professed savants it corresponds more to the Latin mens, the English mind, translated by the French as intelligence. Really the exact translation is a matter of small importance: what you have to understand is this, that the nous signifies the exaltation of the Ego to the prejudice of Nature, and that means the exaltation of logical reflection at the expense of Seeing and Observation. Just as logic orders the thoughts of men, so Reason orders the world; “in the beginning everything was confusion (μιγμα), then came Nous and created the order of the world.“ You perceive that the primitive myth of chaos to a certain degree furnishes the foundation for this new belief of reason, but now rationalism assumes the autocracy, and it is not the forces of nature, but the powers of reason outside of nature, that bring the world into existence. That is why Anaxagoras is justified in calling his Nous άυτοκρατής — an autocrat. It is really remarkable to see to what a distance this new God is at once removed. Thales had seen Gods everywhere, Heraclitus had felt the presence of the divinity at every step; but now the Godhead, always invisible, fades away to the extreme boundary of the universe; it is only the
 
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“ordering power,“ the first “originator of movement,“ hardly more than a mere thought; and indeed not a mystic thought symbolising nature like Vâc-Logos, but abstractly concrete thought: itself as yet only immaterial unformed thought, not a form evident to the senses, but so far as the world is concerned a simply mechanical, not subjective, necessity.
    You will see directly what I mean.
    You remember that Descartes and Kapila by distinguishing the soul entirely from matter had, so to speak, at a purer, completely mechanical nature. The thing occurs here. Anaxagoras, by creating a God and outside the world, strips nature of its divinity, and considers it as more purely mechanical than his predecessors did: that is the salient point. For Anaxagoras himself the invention of Nous had not much more significance than the cogito, ergo sum had for Descartes. But our professional philosophers to whom everything abstract seems to be something specially exalted have manufactured an Anaxagoras, to whom the true one bears but slight relation: they sing praises like the priests of the temple in honour of the discoverer of “a higher purely spiritual conception of God,“ and do not see that Anaxagoras simply had in view a rational natural science, and only makes use of the God of his thoughts, in order to be quit of the Gods of direct perception. For his eye is fixed upon the World, not upon God; his mode of thought is entirely mechanical. He himself confesses simply that he only appeals to his God, when he is at a loss to know how to get on without him. In so far as he cannot imagine the rise of an orderly system without a Reason to create the order, he needs his God in the abstract: but he wastes no time over this rationalistic reflection, but hurries away to the visible world in which he now needs his God in the concrete, because he does not know how without him he can explain the cause and

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maintenance of the first all-comprehensive rotary movement: in no other way does he make any use of his God Nous.
    Here then there exists a very important departure from the completely unsophisticated identification of Thinking and Seeing. But how closely, in spite of that, Thought and Seeing here hang together, has been shown by Wilhelm Dilthey in his Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften. Anaxagoras, like Thales before him, was a passionate watcher of the stars. When he was asked why man should prefer Being to Not-being he answered: on account of the starry heaven. But with him it was no mere question of sentimentality. It was rather that he possessed far more correct views of the cosmic relations than Aristotle. For example, he knew that the moon is great, and believed it to be inhabited: he knew that its light is light reflected from the sun, and he knew that the sun is more remote from the earth and greater than the moon. But above all there were two facts in the starry heaven which captivated his reflection: he saw, as his seafaring fellow-countrymen had done from immemorable times, the fixed star at the north pole of the firmament, and he then observed that the stars in its immediate neighbourhood revolved round it in very small circles, while the further stars moved in ever larger circles, and so he came to the idea that the whole heavenly globe moved round one axis. That was already an observation of fundamental importance. But besides this Anaxagoras possessed a sound physical instinct, such as perception alone can give, but thought never can. Gravitation was known to him, and inasmuch as he held the sun, the moon, the stars, not as Aristotle did later, as fixed to concentric spheres, but as independent bodies moving in space, he came to the conclusion that they must necessarily fall upon the Earth, unless the same centrifugal force which once drove the primeval elements asunder, swung them
 
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continually in a circle, “as we swing a stone in a sling.“ You see what a mass of truly scientific mechanical perception of Nature is at work here. Listen again. Dilthey informs us that “the northern final point (of the axis of the heavens) is the cosmic point, from which out of the nous of Anaxagoras, the circular motion in matter started, and from which it still at the present time woks. The nous began on a small scale; the point where that took place was the pole; from that point the circling became wider and wider, and will continue so widening, and it was thence that at the same time with the revolutions the division of the atoms took place.“ When we think of the state of knowledge of that time, we may well rank this idea as a scientific contribution to thought in a parallel line with the so-called Kant-Laplace hypothesis: the fundamental observations are few in number and not quite correct, but the prophetic conception of the state of facts is striking. For our theme to-day the one point of interest lies in the fact that the God of Anaxagoras and the unity of that God is not a metaphysical deduction, as is the case with Bruno and all monists, but that this contemplator of the world comes to his conclusion inductively out of the necessity for a First Being who should set the cosmic machine in motion, and out of the observation of the one and only axis of the starry heaven.
    You see that the great cleft of which I spoke a while ago was as yet relatively not very deep. This divine reason, — of which the ordering activity consists only in the maintenance of a common centrifugal motion, while all else occurs automatically, — is hardly more than a hypostatised fundamental force of nature. And yet the step which had here been taken, was one of great importance. The divine had been isolated from the world, and had been contrasted with it as an intellect without body in contradistinction to bodies without intellect; and that

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introduced firstly the method of Analysis, that is to say, of dissection, and secondly paved the way for considering the human intellect as related to the Nous, so that a loftier wisdom might be created directly out of it than out of the faithful contemplation of nature. Analysis at once does away with myth; for the latter is essentially combination, whereas the former is separation. The rationalistic importance assigned to logic, as if it were the fundamental law of nature, equally abolishes the myth, and replaces it by syllogisms. But inasmuch as without the myth to serve as bridge, without the assistance of some dream-form no unity and therefore no philosophy can be arrived at, the consequence was not that myths really disappeared, but that they were from that time forward introduced more clandestinely and violently. The old Indians, for instance, had expressly declared that their accounts of the creation were only to be taken figuratively, — only as an attempt to represent symbolically that which is unknowable; 20 these people then upon whom we think ourselves able to look down, knew precisely that their myths were myths, they did not demand for them that stupid belief which is required of us in religion and science. In the same way we find the Hellenic myths flowing steadily until the great break comes: from that time forth reason is dominant, believes itself to be of divine origin, sees nature at its feet, and deludes itself into the belief that it knows: that is why its assertions are dogma, and faith is demanded for its dreams. With the help of Socrates and Aristotle this connection of events will be made clear to us, and we shall see how in this way men became in a higher degree the slaves of their mythical ideas than their ancestors had been. What we call “Progress,“ a word with which childish unreflecting minds intoxicate themselves, is always dearly paid for.
    In the Phaedo there is a passage towards the end (96, seq.)

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which gives me the impression of a really historical report of remarks which probably often fell from Socrates; immediately upon that Plato steps in again with his doctrine of ideas; but what Socrates objects to in the doctrine of  Anaxagoras proceeds from Socrates himself. The latter tells us how in his youth he studied natural history zealously; but that his hope thereby “to discover the causes of things,“ and to learn “whether animals arose out of putrescence,“ how their growth took place, and so forth, was disappointed; that he discovered that he himself “had no aptitude for such investigations“; but that afterwards he comforted himself by the discovery that “the real essence of things lay in our human thoughts about them,“ and that men should guard themselves “against injuring their eyes“ by the contemplation of things themselves! 21 And so he laid hold upon the writings of Anaxagoras, because he had been informed that this philosopher had represented reason as the ordering law of all things, and this led him to hope, that in Anaxagoras he would find the solution of all the questions of nature. For if, for example, a man should wish to know whether the earth is round or flat, it “would not become him“ to establish this by investigation of  the facts, but he need only ask himself, — which is the more reasonable? which is the more advantageous for mankind? This must of necessity be right, because it was reason (the Nous) that organised the world. In the same way the question as to whether the earth is stationary in the middle of the universe, or whether, as the Pythagoreans had already long taught, it moved in space round a centre, could only be answered by the weighing in reason of the pros and cons of the advantage to be gained. “Is it better that the earth should stand in the middle?“ That, according to Socrates, is the question to be asked. “If Anaxagoras made this clear to me I made up my mind never again to listen to any other manner of proof.“

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Socrates soon came to grievous disappointment. For Anaxagoras looked upon the nous (as against nature) as a mere first cause of motion: beyond that he was dominated by purely scientifically conceived physical laws. “And so I fell right down from my wonderful hopes,“ Socrates complains, “when I saw that the man with his Reason establishes nothing, but brings forward all sorts of stories about air, and aether, and water, and similar wonderful things.“ That is the historical turning-point. Thus it was that mankind turned their backs upon nature, until in the thirteenth century the Teutonic renaissance burst into life. Socrates might well have deserved to be raised to the dignity of a Father of the Church. It is true that with the Epicurean Lucretius a reaction took place, which at least taught the love of nature, and the neo-Platonist monists worshipped it as the living Godhead; but no one took the pains to consult nature, to observe it, to copy it in thought with love and obedience, and in that way to wrest its secrets from it.
    Then there appeared the man for whom Socrates had longed but had not found, the man who “made reason the beginning of all things,“ and who to every question gave the apodictic answer, “as it had to be,“ without first attempting to see what it was in reality. Aristotle demonstrated that the earth must be a sphere, not in any way because he attached any special value to the observations which were already to the fore in his time about the height of the sun in different latitudes, but because it was the most perfect of all forms and therefore the undoubted property of the earth, to which he added the further precious reason, that the spherical form is peculiar to those bodies in which all movement is absolutely wanting. As forcibly he demonstrated that the earth was stationary and in the middle of the universe, and that there neither was nor could be any second constellation, but only luminary bodies attached to hollow spheres
 
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which circled round the earth, and so forth. But you must know that a hundred years before Aristotle, Philolaus had taught that the earth turned upon its axis, and that it circled round some unknown centre, and that the better informed of Aristotle's contemporaries knew that this centre was the Sun, even though the mathematical proof of the heliocentric system was not given till some seventy years after his death by Aristarchus of Samos; 22 it is not until you reflect upon this that you will realise what a fateful influence was exercised upon the culture of Europe by that supremacy of thought over seeing which was heralded by Anaxagoras, promoted by Socrates, and brought to perfection by Aristotle. From that time forth empirical proofs were of no account, — absolutely none; what Socrates had preached — never again to listen to any other mode of proof than that which was logically rational, had become an iron law for the cultured world; ratio locuta est, reason has spoken; the age of the tyranny of intellect had begun, — the domination of blind, sightless reason. What had taken place in the idea of the Cosmos, naturally happened also in the idea of the Divinity: it was fixed dogmatically: as Cicero in his historical retrospect of philosophy says: mentem volebant rerum esse judicem, solam censebant idoneam cui crederetur; “they asserted that mind should be the judge of all things, that mind alone was worthy of credence.“ 23 The nous of Anaxagoras was now on a more exalted throne, and other authorities were regarded as its delegates. In every single particular, Aristotle defined to a hair's-breadth, what, and how, and where, and why the intellect existed: and so the nous, after it had assimilated itself to the Jewish Jehovah, became God to the European world, — laying down the law for all Christian theology down to the present time. Kant dethroned the Nous-Jehovah for ever, a fact which the world does not yet realise, but will learn by degrees.

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    What must specially interest us in the connection of these achievements is the circumstance that although Aristotle, in the consideration of God and the world, went to work in so abstract and rationalistic a fashion, he too drew upon the collected material of perception and upon a purely mythical comparison between thinking and seeing, for his fundamental ideas and for everything that possesses power of formation and living energy in his conceptions. That his nous is rooted in the nous of Anaxagoras he himself confesses, and that may be taken as an indirect connection with nature. Even Aristotle looks upon God as before all the “unmoved first cause of motion“; he considers God as first and foremost the cause of the revolutions of the heaven of the fixed stars. But Aristotle as a keener analyst perceives something of which Anaxagoras, the more physical observer, had not thought; that is to say, that it is difficult to bring this extramundane bodiless intellect into union with the world of matter; certain intermediate steps are here necessary to bring into inner harmony the first and outermost motion. Thus Aristotle looks out upon the heavens, or rather he looks into the books of the astronomers, and sees that there is no unity in the movement of the constellations: between the fixed stars, the sun, the moon, and the planets move with all manner of shiftings forwards and backwards, standing still and so forth. Beside the comprehensive movement of the heaven of fixed stars, which alone Anaxagoras had taken in view, there are also other eternal motions which equally can only be ascribed to immovable intellects, even though they should be bred of the highest Nous; obviously there must be as many of these intellects as there are different visible motions in the heavens, and these reach one another reciprocally from the highest and outermost to the lowest and innermost. But Aristotle allows the method of reason, with its inclination to structures in

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harmony, to go still further. The world must be built up of just so many substances, no more and no less, as there are motions and intellectual causes of motion; and we must be able to distinguish just as many aims as active in nature. 24 You see what an endlessly artistic, and, at the same time, artificial, structure is set up here under the mask of reason. The next matter was to decide how many of these motions, intellects, substances, and aims are there? The answer to this question turned out to be more complicated than you might at first suspect. You might say to yourself, the Greeks recognised five planets, the sun and the moon, so we shall probably be right if we reckon upon seven motions, intellects, substances, and aims, adding to these the heaven of fixed stars as an eighth sphere. You would be far out. Sophistry is intolerant of simple solutions. The truthful perception of Anaxagoras and many of his contemporaries that every single fixed constellation is floating in space had been rejected at the outset by Aristotle as contrary to reason. There can only be one earth, and that must rest immovable in the centre of the All; that is dogma, for that is demanded by reason. But out of this postulate of reason the necessity arose once more to bring to the front the old fable of Anaximander of the heavenly spheres and the luminary bodies attached to them. But since the wandering stars, sun, moon, and planets apparently carry out extraordinarily complicated motions between the fixed stars, and it was nevertheless a dogma that all the motions in heaven complete themselves in perfect circles, 25 you will understand that in order to explain the phenomena in this way, it was necessary to accept the idea of spheres rather than of stars. In order to explain the motions of each separate wandering star between the fixed stars, it became necessary to accept the idea of several spheres, contained within one another, set in motion in various directions. So the question was not, —

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how many different wandering stars do we see in motion? but, — how many invisible spheres must we assume, in order to explain the motions which we observe in the visible fixed stars? It was necessary to assume at least four spheres for the relatively simple motions of the sun between the fixed stars, and correspondingly more for the other wandering stars, and so without reckoning the outermost all-embracing sphere of fixed stars, three-and-thirty spheres came to be assumed, “within which the stars really move.“ Yet even that was not sufficient mathematically to explain the movements of the planets according to the dogmatically immutable presumptions. Two-and-twenty auxiliary spheres had to be assumed in addition, in order, as Aristotle puts it, “to pack up the other spheres.“ 26 Think of the Plateforme roulante of the century exhibition at Paris, set up in a complete circle, and upon this regularly and symmetrically rotating platforms, a number of incandescent lamps securely nailed to it, — that would be a representation of the heaven of fixed stars. Now imagine to yourselves seven wheels of different sizes, running round at different speeds upon this disc; to every wheel a second wheel is attached in some special eccentric corner with a direction and speed of its own; on this wheel is placed another, and so on, and it is not until the last is reached that the illuminating body, alone visible to you out of this whole mechanism of wheels, comes into play: but you stand in the middle and watch the movements of the many luminous bodies circling round you with unalterable regularity, and of the seven other lights which move irregularly: in this way you will have an approximate idea of the spheres as Aristotle conceived them, with the exception that he was dealing with hollow balls, not as in this simile simple discs. Aristotle imagines to himself 55 of these balls partly boxed in one another, partly fixed to one another, and with different movements, and to

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these he adds one outermost 56th ball. From this strictly logical deduction he concludes that there are just as many “intellectual powers“ at work, that is to say, 56, creating motion, — an equal number of “substances“ building up the world, — an equal number of “aims“ whose decision settles all that happens.
    You will have remarked that even in this rationalistic cobweb of the brain which to-day seems to us so mad, the observation of Nature is nevertheless also co-operating and informing, and we evermore find Thinking and Seeing placed in direct relation to one another, in accordance with precisely the same presumption of identity between the two which we observed in the Indo-Aryan herdsmen. If the latter hungered after wisdom, they turned to the Sun: if Aristotle wishes to search out the numbers of the active “aims,“ he consults the stars. And it is precisely through Aristotle that one of the most primeval ideas of all Indo-European mythology, prettily tricked out with scientific frippery, once more comes to great honour: — Varuna, in Greek ουρανος, that is to say, the “all-embracing,“ the true God of heaven, in whom as the Rig-Veda expresses it, “the heavens are locked,“ literally as in Aristotle all the spheres are internally imprisoned in the outermost sphere of heaven. Not God alone is unconsciously borrowed from the myth, but also Substance, Matter, the idea which is set up in opposition to God. The Nous-God, the only completely purely intellectual Being, rests outside of the world, beyond the heaven of fixed stars. The primeval substance on the contrary (υλη πρώτη), that is the completely unintellectual matter, has its lair in the inmost depths of the world. So now the two extreme points, God and the World, stand contrasted in full logical clearness; between them are the 56 intermediary stages, the outer ones by increasing ratios more intellectual and less material, the inner ones by increasing ratios more material and less

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intellectual. The Nous-God, the pure intellect, is without matter and immovable; its being is only a thought, and it thinks no thought, for that would be transient, but “its thought is a thought of thought“; but the πρώτη υλη is so entirely matter that it neither has nor produces forms — for these would at once be thoughts — but only contains the inexhaustible power (δύναμις) of formation; just as thought could not think thoughts but only the process of thinking, so this material cannot be things, but only that which is no thing: in imitation of the Aristotelian language we might say of the primeval substance: its being is a being of being. It is impossible to push utter senseless scholastic abstraction further. But just as that God, looked at more closely, appeared as the old Varuna of the myth common to Aryans, and even now current with children as the Heavenly Father, so we may easily carry back the πρώτη υλη of Aristotle to the mythological ideas out of which this so-called purely logical comprehension arose. Among the Aryan Indians this primeval substance was called asad; they define it as the “non-being being,“ and with those three words you have exactly the idea upon which Aristotle wastes pages and pages of senseless dialectics. Under the guidance of this asad you reach the familiar primeval idea of chaos as a world not yet ordered by thought, or to speak more correctly, not yet disentangled inside any thought. Uranos and chaos are thus the perceptions out of which these apparently pure abstractions draw that modicum of the sap of life without which even shadows cannot enter upon existence. 27 As forms of conception, however, Nous and prote hyle (or God and World) are no more than the attempt to distinguish between Thinking and Seeing, in other words the dissection of the primeval myth of all myths into its component parts. But as we saw in the former lecture and shall soon explain again from another standpoint, something impossible is here
 
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demanded of human nature; and so the paradoxical result arises that the pure object of thought (God) no longer gives us the smallest point for thought to lay hold of, and can only be perceived in the visible rotary movement of the starry heaven, whereas the object of sight (the primeval substance) becomes imperceptible to the eye, and only has a sort of imaginary existence as a conception devoid of idea.
    With this we may claim to have left behind us the second stage of the road along which this excursus leads us. First, in Bruno and Fechner on the one side, in Descartes and Kapila on the other, we have seen how the dream-born identification of thinking and seeing can lead us either to endow all nature, — every constellation and every stone — with life and with soul, or else to look upon even living beings as mechanical automata, and indeed to say of our own Ego, I am not. We have now studied one of the possible developments of the primeval myth in a series of consecutive thinkers, and we have seen how in Greece in the course of some 250 years the distinction between Thinking and Seeing, the two roots of our human Being and so also of our Senses, was continually being more and more clearly felt, and more keenly worked out, until at last here also a perfect Paradox was brought into being, and the pure object of thought (God) could only be seen, — the pure object of sight (the substance of the World) could only be thought. As I have already pointed out, it is the dream-nature of our senses, as opposed to true critical reflection, which is ultimately responsible for contradictory results of that sort; we may admire and sing the praises of the bridge of the rainbow, but we can hardly hope that it will carry us over the yawning abyss. I think you will admit at once that the nous and the prote hyle of Aristotle are just as much dream-pictures as the Gods wandering upon earth, the world-creating primeval

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water of Thales, or the Pneuma-Logos and the fire of Heraclitus.
    Now I shall call upon you to face a third and more comprehensive consideration. I think that I shall be able to convince you that the fixed inter-relation between Seeing and Thinking, — the manner and way in which that original comparison takes place in every brain, or to retain our metaphor, the way in which the mythical rainbow bridge forms itself and of necessity must form itself in every one of us according to the capabilities of his brain, — is the determining power which influences the manner of thought in every individual. The possible forms of philosophy are all as it were ready to our hand, that is to say, prefigured: they are given by the nature of the human intellect; whoever analyses to its foundations that which is personal, will reach that which is beyond personality. And just as in biological sciences the recognition of the species helps the study of the individual, so will the recognition of the generally possible “species of philosophies,“ in opposition to eternal history with its eternally crooked judgments, be of great service in the accurate investigation of the individual.
    You must in no wise believe that what you have seen in Hellas, the issue out of the concrete into the abstract, and of simple monism into maturely considered dualism, is a necessary development. Such conceptions with which we have been tarred and feathered since Hegel's time, and under the influence of the prevailing Darwinism, hinder all true comprehension. We pronounce the magic word “development,“ driving the phenomenon into boundless distance, and when we have lost sight of it, we believe that we have “explained“ it. What “develops itself“ is always the subsidiary, whereas what we want to arrive at is the essence of the thing itself. The progress of the so-called “development“ may quite well be exactly the contrary in the gradual reversal of the philosophy of a
 
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people. Amongst us moderns we can see both at once: a progress towards more and more abstraction (Hegel and the new school), a progress towards the more and more concrete (Descartes and the investigations of Nature); in Greece also Democritus laid the foundation of scientific empirical materialism at the very time when Socrates was paving the way for the autocracy of logic. There can never be any true understanding of phenomena when that which is mutable in them is taken as the foundation instead of that which is stable and eternal. That is why, fortified by the historical example of Greek mental achievements, we must now go further, analyse more exactly, and endeavour to reach the eternal super-personal foundation out of which, as the necessarily constant ground of all human Thinking and Seeing, the differently natured, and yet again imperishable, philosophies, so peculiarly inter-chained the one with the other, proceed. Everywhere in nature, if we are unprejudiced and yet keenly observant, we can discover great simple relations: the same holds good with our brains; once these relations are clearly recognised and distinctly formulated, then we can the better penetrate the numberless eternally new phenomena of the Personal.
    With this view I will now propose to you a Scheme — a Scheme of the possible ways of Seeing and Thinking, and of their possible combinations; you will see how exactly our different philosophical systems are conditioned by these inborn aptitudes, and therefore by what we have hitherto for brevity's sake called the Manner of Seeing.
    My previous lectures have shown you what I think about Schemes. A Scheme must be schematic, it must never shift its ground into the place of living insight, of which it must only be the handmaid. You already possess a certain store of living insight, and the rest will

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follow by degrees, until the skeleton of the scheme is clothed with flesh and blood as in the case of Descartes.
    I offer you a twofold dichogamy, a double branching. The primeval simple myth of the complete identity of Thinking and Seeing forks in the first place into two chief branches, according as the balance leans towards Thinking or Seeing; that we have already fully explained by many examples: then the Thinking and Seeing themselves fork each into two branches, as will immediately be more nearly set out as soon as we have sufficiently made the first great division intelligible:

Scheme

    Analysis then, in the first place, gives us the distinction between men who are mainly Seers and those who are mainly Thinkers. For simplicity's sake I put it in this way; the contrast may be looked upon more narrowly or more broadly without being done away with, so that it comprises domains not necessarily differing in size, but different in general. That, however, need not trouble us here; each of the different possible contrasts is an exact symbol of the other; the contrast is clear and sharp; it is that between understanding and the power of the senses (see the previous lecture), between

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reason and empiricism, between the invisible Ego and the visible world, between ratiocination and observation, between the abstract and the concrete; Thinking and Seeing comprise all these contrasts. I do not think that will ever fall into doubt, or at any rate that you will ever remain in doubt, as to which of these two classes any pre-eminent intellect belongs to. You have seen how instructive was the contrast between the Seer Anaxagoras and the thinker Socrates: just in the same way Democritus and Aristotle, Descartes and Duns Scotus stand opposite to one another. Among the Indians, even among those who appear as atomists, Thinking is with all of them the preponderant branch, whereas with a Goethe, Seeing, in quite as extraordinary a degree, gives the casting vote. In this relation Goethe stands upon the same footing as the old Hellenic hylozoists, — on the footing to which alone Kant allows any value in the investigation of nature; while, on the contrary, Bruno far outdoes even Aristotle in giving the preference to thinking, and so must be reckoned with the Indians, and Plotinus and Hegel among the one-sided Thinkers. Those pre-eminent intellects then with whom Thinking is markedly preponderant, deserve in a closer sense the title of Philosopher, and also enjoy the outspoken preference of our schoolmen, whereas those in whom Seeing is predominant are often not looked upon as philosophers, though they are certainly what the Germans call Weltanschauer, “observers of the world,“ and not seldom in a more prominent degree than the others.
    Here I must put in a caution against misunderstandings. The distinction between Thinkers and Seers, however real it may be, only points to a greater or lesser, or to put it better, a preponderant direction of the mind. Just in the same way as understanding and the senses grow together so inseparably that neither can exist without the other (see p. 276), so all Thinking is rooted in Seeing

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— (as you perceived just now in the most abstract thoughts) — and no Seeing can exist without being bound up with Thinking. A man may be as specific a Thinker as he pleases, or as a Seer of the world busy himself ever so passionately with all possible pure Seeing, still that Thinker must at every step See something, and the Seer can never succeed in purifying what he sees from the element of Thought, otherwise the one would have mere empty thoughts, and the other would have blind perceptions (p. 226). Even the author of the Brihadâranyaka Upanishad can only speak in diagrams, and Goethe is compelled to repeat his perception of primeval forms as thought. In every personality then we have the two, a Thinking and a Seeing, and as we are only taking into consideration the master-intellects, we may expect to find both supremely developed; our distinction only should serve to express the predominance of the one element over the other. This predominance, however, is a fundamental fact, perhaps the weightiest of all in gauging the intellectual personality.
    Still, in spite of all that, the knowledge of this fact alone does not lead us to the more exact appreciation of the single individuality, since the mental horizon defined by the preponderance of Seeing or Thinking is very wide, and embraces very variously constituted intelligences. Thus, for example, Aristotle and the Indians come together as specific Thinkers, and are yet fundamentally different; while, on the other side, the extreme Thinker Bruno, and the Seer Democritus, the master of Form, are in harmony in certain important doctrines. We must therefore carry our analysis further, by which means we shall discover not only that each one of the main branches, Thinking and Seeing, is again split in two, but also that the special form of intellect is quite remarkably determined by the relations between Thinking and Seeing. It is just in the specific Thinker that it is

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important to know how his Seeing is constituted, and in the specific Seer in what lines his Thinking runs. With the help of our simple scheme you will soon gain a clear insight into these relations.
    As the result of a very simple observation we find, as I have said, a new forking of each of our two main branches, Thinking and Seeing, into two side branches. If I might express myself figuratively I should say that Thinking may be directed inwards or outwards; Seeing can in the same way be adjusted in one or other of these two directions, inwards or outwards. Thinking can look towards itself and, turning its back on nature, see only the Ego, or — since seeing is in this case impossible, — ponder upon it; or else Thinking can be turned upon perception and, in spite of all abstraction, raise itself aloft in Nature. In the Indian doctrine of the Vedânta, in which at last everything — even Brahman — the all-embracing Divine — resolves itself into the Ego (Atman), the first of these, Thinking directed inwards, is characteristic; while Aristotle, who formed his conceptions of substance on exact observations of the movements of the stars, affords us a pre-eminent example of the second case, Thinking directed outwards. In Seeing the same distinction takes place, and that in a most striking way. For example, the Seeing of Democritus is entirely directed inwards, that means towards Thinking: it is true that this sage is a characteristic Seer, who takes nature, not thought, as his starting-point, indeed he violates Thinking where it is necessary: in spite of that, his atoms, his empty space, his mechanical explanation of the soul, are  all “perceptions of thought“; that is what constitutes their value, and at the same time their worthlessness; that is why they are so practical for methodological appreciation, and so inadmissible as soon as we grasp them with pure perception. Descartes' eye, on the contrary, looks in the other direction, outwards and away

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from Thinking. It is very easy to laugh over Descartes' crotchets, his Vortices, and so forth, to reproach him with inadequate thought and the violence of his combinations in his symbolical diagrams; he was a man who needs must see everything in actual fact; he knew no rest till he had taken in a combined Whole with his eyes; it was impossible for him to think unless he saw.
    We can therefore distinguish a method of Thinking inwards and a method of Thinking outwards; a method of Seeing inwards and a method of Seeing outwards.
    With a view to the practical proof of this distinction, I will at once call your attention to the fact that the distinctive intellectual attitudes, where they appear with any measure of consistency, must lead to fixed philosophical methods — they must do so, there is no way out of it, — and these philosophical opinions can in turn in doubtful cases render us good service for the detection of the inner tendency of a particular thinker, and give us the possibility of an unerring diagnosis. Thinking which is directed inwards will always lead to a more or less clearly formulated monism: the Ego, though perhaps not a uniformity (which is contested by certain psychologists), is nevertheless an organic unity, indeed the only one which we know by experience; the man whose Thinking is directed upon the Ego may not always reach the Atman, but he will always reach some variety of the Alone: the thinking which is directed outwards is in the same way of necessity pluralistic, inasmuch as nature is manifold. You need only think of the fifty-six substances of Aristotle; every man who thinks inwards, a Çankara, a Parmenides, a Plotinus, a Bruno, a Hegel, looks upon an idea of that sort, with the whole argument that leads to it, as an abomination: if such a thinker needs numbers, he brings them forward in a Pythagorean manner as magic-working symbols for thoughts which
 
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impose laws upon nature, but accept none from her. Of Seeing we may say, that Seeing which is directed inwards, that is towards thinking, leads with precisely the same necessity to Atomism, and that Seeing which is directed outwards, or away from thinking, leads to the idea of an Organism, that is to say, of a universe complete without a lacuna, not falling into separate parts. It is true that Nature, as I have already remarked, shows a manifold character, and yet at the same time a flawless unity: the

Scheme

idea of the atoms does away with both. The calculating man, a Newton, and the Greek who cannot cease reasoning (a Democritus), will always reassert the theory of atoms and empty space; in that way he learns and teaches mastery over nature; but the man with eyes fixed open upon living nature, the man who in the process of perception resolutely, and with distrust, turns his back upon Thinking (a Descartes, a Goethe), will never be reconciled to “forces working at a distance,“ and “the breaking up
into atoms“; he must have a Whole, of which the manifold character is not a mechanical but an organic unity.

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Let me impress this upon you by a tabular statement:

Thinking {
 
Inwards — Monism
                 (Domination of the soul)
Outwards — Pluralism
                 (Dualism of body and soul)



Seeing {
 
Inwards — Atomism
                 (Mechanism)
Outwards — Organicism
                 (Dynamism) 28

and with this I add for the further explanation of our table, that monism always leads, sooner or later, to the acceptation of the domination of the soul in nature, whereas pluralism achieves its first and most important separation in the severance of body and soul; that the idea of Atoms of necessity involves the purely mechanical significance of phenomena — (that is to say, by pressure and impact), — whereas the organistic view leads you to that significance which Kant called the “dynamic,“ and which ultimately allows all that happens to be conditioned through the figure, that is form, comprehensively imagined, and therefore through the shape of the universe as a whole. 29 Looked at from the point of view of Seeing, it is just the Ego (upon which Thinking inwards is directed), which represents that which is entirely without form, whereas nature represents unconditional form: hence atomism, which arises out of Seeing inwards, disintegrates all form, whereas Organism (born of seeing outwards) proceeds from the fact of form.
    In order that you may at once picture to yourselves something intelligible in this last distinction which may perhaps offer some difficulties to those who have had no training in natural science, I will refer you to the following example, which, complicated as it is, you may yet be able to grasp, and which is at any rate stimulating: Darwin,

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the Democritus of organic science, a man whose Seeing, like Newton's, is always directed inwards, and therefore has no pure view of Nature, while at the same time he  utilises her practically and logically, — Darwin is an atomist in the domain of Organism. In his view every being, every individual, stands as it were alone. All  organisms vary into infinity in all directions, and it is only the accident of surroundings, which contain all manner of hindrances and stimulants, which causes a temporary misleading permanency of forms. For instance, if our butterflies have a very long proboscis, that arises out of the fact that those with a shorter proboscis can draw no honey from those flowers with high funnel-shaped blossoms (Lilium, Paradisia, Crocus, Dianthus) which they delight in visiting, and must consequently die or else, adapting themselves to other flowers, develop themselves into another species. In that way Darwin attributes to the flower the evolution of the long proboscis. And his pupil, Hermann Müller, says the same in another form, when he writes in his treatise on Alpine plants (Alpenblumen, 1881, p. 509): “The butterflies have the advantage of having been able with their long, thin proboscis to raise a breed of plants.“ It little matters whether the butterfly breeds the flower, or the flower the butterfly, if you only learn to see how in this conception atomistically every single living individual stands in relation to every other. 30 That is why Darwin constantly uses the expression “a species is being manufactured,“ 31 and gives it as his opinion that it is unlikely that such a manufacture, or any one of its parts, should suddenly have come into perfect existence. 32 On the other hand, an organic conception of the forms of life must represent form as its primary condition. It would look upon perfection and imperfection as a human fiction; it would never admit that nature could by practice produce to-morrow what it is incapable of producing to-day;

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rather should the whole life upon earth be regarded as an organised Whole, in which every part stands in relation to every other part, and in which neither the flower breeds the butterfly, nor the butterfly the flower, but both arise at one and the same time out of the form and the motion of the Whole. Just as when one organ of a living being undergoes changes, remote organs are brought into sympathy by so-called “correlation,“ 33 — so according to such an organic conception a correlation would take place between all different living beings, that is to say, a correlation within the universal manifestation of life. This is a perception which unfortunately we do not possess for the kingdom of life in general; but it will not be for long that it will be wanting, and it will bear glorious fruit. In the meantime Descartes, as you have seen in the previous lecture, has made a beginning in his Symbol of the Aether, and his Schematism of the laws of motion with the organisation of space, Kant and Laplace with the organisation of the world of stars, — and lately Hertz, with his introduction of so-called “unseen masses,“ and “unseen motions“ into mathematical physics, has prepared the way for an organisation of forces, whilst Lothar Meyer and Mendelejef by their investigations into the so-called “periodic system of the elements“ have attacked the problem of the organisation of matter.
    So much for a preliminary understanding of these conceptions of “Atomism“ and “Organicism“ as terms for distinct directions of perception.
    But there is still a point upon which I must offer a few words of explanation, before we take into consideration the important subject of the relations between fixed Seeing and fixed Thinking. It will no doubt have struck you, and it will perhaps to a certain extent have puzzled you, that Thinking directed inwards enters into a certain relation with Seeing directed outwards, and in the same way Thinking directed outwards with Seeing directed
 
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inwards. For the two last, Thinking outwards and Seeing inwards, lead to a plurality (plurality and atomism), and the two first, Thinking inwards and Seeing outwards, end  by leading to a strictly unified idea (monism on one side, organism on the other). I think we can explain that well to ourselves if we abide by our diagram of inwards and outwards, and say to ourselves, Thinking directed inwards is a purer Thinking, that is a Thinking less dependent upon Seeing; Seeing directed outwards is a purer form of Seeing less permeated with elements of Thinking; the opposite holds good with Thinking directed outwards and Seeing directed inwards; hence the relation between the apparent contradictions. The man whose Thinking is directed purely upon the introspection of his own self, his Atman, strictly speaking, sees no unity, but only the organic unity, κατ' έξοχήν, that by which indeed all is brought into union, the Ego, the whole activity of which consists in the constant reconstruction of unity, for which reason we are justified in calling it the “organising unity“: on the other hand, it is only in the first instance that the man whose vision rests purely upon nature perceives plurality; but if this gaze of his remains constant, then the seer will behold, not indeed an inner, but an outer unity, the organised unity of which we spoke just now. The organising unity is that which Kant called the “unity of apperception,“ the unrealisable inner Something through which all perceptions and all Thoughts are drawn together into a single central point, and only the idle word-splitter will forbid us to call this central point — which is metaphysical and yet the author of all reality, — by the name of Ego. Organised Unity is that “Nature“ which could not exist for us at all unless everything stood in relation to everything else, thus creating one complete and consistent form. It needs an intensive esoteric manner of thought to realise the organising unity as the Indians did: it would demand a

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passionate devotion to nature, striving as Goethe strove, in order to perceive the organised unity everywhere. That is the goal to which those two roads lead, the Thinking directed inwards and the Seeing directed outwards, and therefore they possess one common criterion, unification. That method of Thinking, on the contrary which, as in Aristotle, is turned towards perception without possessing the pure force of true Seeing, necessarily remains enmeshed in manifoldness and plurality, and that method of Seeing which as in Democritus turns towards Thinking, must necessarily be inclined in accordance with thought to individualise the plurality which it holds, that is to say, to create atoms, “indivisibilities,“ In-dividuals, which all stand side by side immutably, and only mechanically come into relation with one another.
    Now we come to the most important use which we can make of our Scheme, that is to say, to the investigation of the different connections which are possible between Thinking and Seeing in a human brain.
    It may happen that the man who Thinks outwards may also See outwards, as for example is the case with Aristotle, or yet it can happen that the man who Thinks outwards may See inwards, like Newton and the majority of our investigators of nature; and in the same way Thinking directed inwards can be united to Seeing inwards or Seeing outwards. This gives rise to a rich manifoldness; for as, on the one side, all specific Thinkers constitute a group of men in relation to one another, contrasted with the specific Seers of the universe; so the Seers who, like Goethe, are possessed of a method of Thinking which is directed inwards, are more nearly related in many ways to those specific Thinkers whose Thinking, like that of Bruno, is equally directed inwards, than these are to those whose Thinking is directed outwards. So, for example, a Bruno, in so far as he is an extreme Thinker,
 
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is certainly more closely related to the Thinker Aristotle than to the passionate Seer Goethe; on the other side, it can be shown that Bruno in certain relations stands nearer to a Goethe than to an Aristotle, — indeed that he is actually a blood-relation; and that arises out of the fact that Goethe's Thinking is directed inwards exactly like that of Bruno, — that of Aristotle, on the contrary, is directed outwards. The systematic discussion of a series of examples will make that quite clear to you. But before going over to that let me add one more word

Scheme

about our diagram — for here too perception renders yeoman's service to Thinking.
    Here in the middle we have “the common Root“ as Kant calls it: we have allowed Thinking to branch to the right, Seeing to the left. I think that in order to delineate our diagram correctly we must draw that method of Thinking which tries to escape from Seeing and bends back upon itself, as pointing downwards, in the effort to reach the common root. We must act in the same way with the Seeing which is directed outwards. We thus give expression to the fact that these two extreme directions are, as we have already briefly stated,

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in certain relations striving against one another. On the other hand, the Thinking which is directed outwards and the Seeing which is directed inwards must be so drawn that they visibly leave the common root, and then incline towards one another. Here we make directly perceptible that which it would otherwise be difficult to make comprehensible: that is to say, how far the inner Thinking and the outer Seeing, although far removed from one another, still stand symmetrically in relation the one to the other, and in a certain sense travel in the same direction, — as in the same way do the inner Seeing and the outer Thinking. But there is more yet which may be gathered from such a graphic Scheme provided that it be correctly drawn. For example, our Scheme shows you at once that out of the connection of Thinking directed inwards and Seeing directed outwards extraordinarily wide and harmonious personalities must presumably proceed, for this is patently the most comprehensive of all possible outlines: out of the connection of Thinking directed outwards and Seeing directed inwards, there will result in the same way relations harmonious and strong, but probably specially limited intelligences: as against which the two cross connections, in which both parts are directed outwards, or both parts are directed inwards, promise us very rich but in a high degree contradictory natures, since tendencies which are fighting against one another are united in the same brain.
    You will see the practical use of this manner of observation if I now name a few examples; and here I will in the first place furnish you with a cut-and-dried list in order that you may retain the different names, whilst I add a few explanatory remarks. In the first place I write down the different possible combinations, and then on the left set as examples the names of philosophers in whom Seeing is preponderant, on the right those who are in the main thinkers.

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Goethe {
Thinking inwards
Seeing outwards
}
Schopenhauer
Democritus {
Thinking inwards
Seeing inwards
} Bruno
Descartes { Thinking outwards
Seeing outwards
} Aristotle
Newton { Thinking outwards
Seeing inwards
} ?

    You see above we have, where I have named Goethe and Schopenhauer, the broadest intellect which we can imagine: Thinking directed inwards, Seeing directed outwards. 34 Below, on the contrary, stands the narrowest thinkable intellectual aptitude: Thinking turned away from Thinking to Seeing, and Seeing turned away from Seeing to Thinking; that is to say, Thinking which is not pure Thinking and Seeing which is not pure Seeing: whether any master-thinker ever possessed a talent of this kind, I should be inclined to doubt, at any rate I can name none; and yet this is the ground upon which Newton and almost all natural science stand; I look upon this position as the strongest that the average man can occupy. Between these I have inserted the two intellectual aptitudes out of which the greatest part of what is in the scholastic sense commonly called “philosophy“ has issued. Thinking and Seeing, both inwards, or Thinking and Seeing both outwards: we shall see as we go on, wherein the power of these aptitudes for the work of thought lies. We will now look more closely at each one of these great intellects from the point of view of our Scheme.
    From our first lecture we learnt the preponderant power of Goethe's eye; seldom has the world had any experience of so pure an eye, that is to say, of one so entirely directed outwards. Therefore it is the relation

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of things to one another and their combination into an organised Whole that he sees everywhere. “An inner and primeval community of all organisation is the foundation“: that is his creed: it is as you see the doctrine of organicism, * as I have called it, in its perfected form, “the community of all organisation.“ Pure Seeing can judge in no other way, and it is laughable to assert that the man who all through his life so passionately fought against the atomist Newton, would, if he were alive now, sing paeans in honour of the atomist Darwin. His very doctrine of colour, as I showed in the second lecture, is a piece of constructive work, and that means nothing else than an attempt to follow the organisation of Nature, instead of breaking up nature into a mechanism of infinitesimal particles, after the manner of our scientific optics. Such then is Goethe's method of Seeing. Goethe's method of Thinking, on the contrary, is oriented inwards. Hence the mystic inclinations of his youth and the misunderstanding which led to the fuss over Spinoza: hence the tendency to grow quite blind in the after-feeling of religious ecstasy. “My soul has only antennae and no eyes: it gropes its way and does not see.“ 35 Hence the assertion: “I was born in the school of identity,“ that is to say, in the school which must deny every separated individuality, in opposition to the poet's own words:

Es gilt, man stelle sich wie man will,
Doch endlich die Person —

“one may place oneself as one will, in the end it is personality that counts.“

    Hence the inspiration of the soul which comes to the front from every nook and corner, “Nature is to the very core divinely alive“ (Letters, 14, 8, 12), an intellectual

    * Organicismus. A word coined by the author in order to express the notion that a special theory is implied. Organism would represent something concrete, and would not give the author's meaning.
 
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character which sometimes transiently seduces him into errors of natural philosophy: hence the abstract scholastic doctrine “Life is the rotatory motion of the monads round itself.“ 36
    This comprehensive talent‚ — Thinking inwards Seeing 0utwards, is I believe, fairly rare. Exclusive of Plato and Kant, whom I leave out at present for reasons to be given hereafter, Schopenhauer is probably the best known example among the famous thinkers; as an  expressed antiatomist and equally expressed monist, he belongs unquestionably to this class. Had Schopenhauer been merely a promulgator of the mystic unity, rechristened Will, he would not have been able in direct contradiction to the Indians whom he so often invokes, to produce the most brilliant writings which ever flowed from the pen of a philosopher, — instead of formless  stammering attempts at expressing that which it is impossible to express. That was the result of the Seeing outwards which shows him as closely related to Goethe. For perception alone furnishes our phantasy with material; but the nature of the thing involves the fact that the pure, and especially the intensive inward, thinker, generally Sees little and is hardly more than a dialectician; you that in the Indians, whose philosophical writings, the further they are removed from the Rig-Veda, become more and more poor in the power of making themselves clear: you see it in Aristotle, who at every moment loses himself in mental tangles in which no man is able to achieve a thought, because hardly a trace of perspicuity  remains; it is those who perceive that lend material to philosophy, and here too you have at once an example to your hand; for if Descartes bears the title of “Father of Modern Philosophy,“ he has earned the name less by the metaphysical mental work, which he has given us, than by the enormous material for perception which he has created for us. Schopenhauer is to a certain extent

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a Brahman gifted with Eyes: all his life he showed a passionate interest and deep understanding for the organic sciences (the inorganic sciences were remote from him on account of their more abstract nature), so that he has the power not only like the Indians to look upon organism as the objectification of Will, but, as the Indians never could, to follow this organism in many particulars of its manifestation. That is why the most abstruse philosophy which ever was invented by mankind gains fresh life at his hands, and becomes so fascinatingly interesting that even our most frivolous worldlings read these volumes. And just because he with his Seeing directed outwards is a specific thinker of the first importance, he avoids falling into Goethe's mistake of seeking salvation in the abstract monads, which he declares are “a monstrous identification of two nonentities.“
    A special distinguishing mark of this rare form of intellect, born of the amalgamation of Thinking inwards and Seeing outwards, is the direct juxtaposition of apparent contradictions as well in thinking as in character: that is as true of Goethe as it is of Schopenhauer: in Goethe, for example, the ecstasy of the poet cheek by jowl with comparative osteology, in Schopenhauer physiological acumen in the phenomena of life, with the belief in magic and spiritualism.
    The relationship which our tabular statement reveals between Democritus and Bruno has now and again struck the more discriminating observers, still I do not think that it has as yet been traced back to its origin. Windelband, for instance, believes that he can discover in Bruno from his youth up the germs of two opposite “tendencies,“ and considers that the one comes to the front most in one half of his life, the other in the second half; 37 an essentially correct observation which distinguishes itself advantageously from the attempts forcibly to banish out of the world the many contradictions in

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Bruno, and also from the usual phrase of a “development,“ by means of which the original monist by degrees quietly became an Atomist. Windelband saw more keenly here than most of his colleagues. Still it remains a riddle for the reader how it can have been possible that apparent contradictions should have germinated in the brain of a great thinker at the same time. In truth there is no contradiction between Monism and Atomism, at any rate no organic contradiction, but at the most, so far as I for my part can admit, a logical contradiction. Monism, in which the soul is all in all, is a thought, Atomism (mechanism) is a perception even though it should only be an abstract perception. And these two men of genius, Democritus and Bruno, are sufficient proof that a Seeing inwards may well exist together with Thinking inwards, and as a consequence Monism with Atomism: it is certainly no inharmonious condition even if, as our diagram shows, we may expect tolerably steep difficulties to cross over.
    Now let us look at Bruno.
    It is impossible to imagine the soul having greater power than it has in him. Sono tutte le cose animate ... sia pur cosa quanto piccola et minima si vogla, ha in se parte di sustanza spirituale ... perche spirto si trova in tutte le cose et non é minimo corpusculo che non contegna cotal portione in se che non inamini (De la Causa, p. 236); that the stars revolve in their courses is not the result of physical causes, but happens because these piu divini animali dell' universo choose to revolve (vult animae vis moveri); their movement is the symptom of their life.
    Hic etenim effectus vitae est, vitae hoc quoque signum. 38
    And his monism is just as unqualified; for these souls are not many souls but one soul: anima ubique est una; l'anima del mondo ... é tutto in tutto‚ onde al fine (dato che sieno innumerabili individui) ogni cosa é uno et il conoscere questa unitá é il scopo e termine di tutte le

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philosophie e contemplazioni naturali. And yet as soon as Bruno, from his youth up — (be it remembered that he disappeared at the age of 42) — begins to See rather than Think, he becomes an Atomist, and that because he cannot do otherwise, because his Seeing is never purely directed upon the phenomena of nature, but is always a mental Seeing, and mental Seeing leads to Atomism as inevitably as Thinking without perception leads to Monism. And so with the dogmatic keenness which is peculiar to him he declares that the man who ignores Atoms can make no magnitude intelligible: where there is no indivisible unity there can be nothing; all investigation of nature must proceed from the Atom, 39 consists of observations of the Atom, and ends in the science of the Atom. 40 So you see Bruno is at the same time a dogmatic Monist and a dogmatic Atomist.
    The position of Democritus follows on corresponding lines. I need not waste words over the Atomism of Democritus — he is known universally as the inventor or, at any rate, as the perfecter of the doctrine of atoms — nor do I need to argue how much more realistically, more concretely, and more visibly the atoms appear to him than they do to Bruno; his intellectual aptitude is responsible for that, inasmuch as it starts with Seeing, whereas Bruno was and remained a scholastic Dialectician. Our histories do justice to the specific Seeing of Democritus: the same cannot be said of his Thinking: there is, on the contrary, as it seems to me, much misunderstanding upon the subject of his doctrine of the soul, and that because under the domination of Aristotelian-religious dualism, we have unlearnt the art of doing justice to Ideal complexes which are altogether differently constituted. When we men of to-day hear the word soul, we think of something utterly separated from all corporeal manifestations, — the ψύχη of Aristotle, and the Pensée of Descartes opposed to all expansion. How could any true monism
 
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be purely expressed within such a mental Scheme as this? When Democritus says that even the soul consists of Atoms, he must be taught by Professor Zeller that such a soul as that is really no soul, but only “the material of which souls are made“: to which is appended the further deep remark, “spirituality is considered by him not as the power over the whole material, but only a part of the material.“ Such a reproach would certainly start Democritus in an outburst of his proverbial laughter, and he would answer: “Most honoured Geheimrat, all  respect to your immense learning! But inasmuch as I, like my predecessors the Brahmans, my contemporaries the Eleatics, my followers Plotinus, Bruno, Hegel, and many others, found it more correct and to myself personally more tolerable, to explain the world as consisting of one principle, and not of two or more, — what could I or  any other monist do but regard matter as spirit or else spirit as matter? And as Seeing was my starting-point I preferred the latter alternative.“ This one reproach of  Zeller's suffices to give us an insight which is as bright as day before our eyes, and yet one which in the dust-storm of learned discussions no one sees, namely, that Democritus was fundamentally a monist, not of course with the dogmatic keenness of a Bruno, and yet quite as clearly so, since he rejected all dualism. Aristotle saw that right well when he said of him, “the man who assumes a single substance also assumes a single soul — not several souls.“ 41 The words Soul and Matter lose their absolute significance as soon as only the One is assumed; a minimum of philosophic knowledge should suffice for this insight. It is the same with the ideas of Democritus as to the Godhead. Schwegler tells us in his unfortunately still much-read manual that “unity, the spiritual bond of the universe, was lost“ in Democritus, and as a punishment he puts him back a hundred years, behind Xenophanes! In Zeller as with the rest we are everywhere

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told that the wicked man was an Atheist. The truth is that he taught the importance of the soul as all in all, and a divine nature, like Bruno and like Goethe. He held that all the forms of the earth consisted one half of soul (the animus of Lucretius); he was wont to call the human body a tent, a mere night refuge on a journey. And if he energetically threw aside the extra-mundane Nous of Anaxagoras, he still held that the Divine “dwelt in all things.“ 42
    To me this comparison between Bruno and Democritus seems to explain much. Democritus, the investigator of nature, atomises everything, even the soul; Bruno, the abstract philosopher, in spite of his poco curante doctrine, finds himself compelled to accept the Atoms, — but he endows them with soul, just as he had done the stones, and so becomes the regenerator of the neo-Platonist monads. These two intellectual achievements, the atomisation of the world, including the world of the soul, by Democritus, and the endowment of the atoms with souls by Bruno — thus referring them to one single primeval monad, God, — arise from a nearly related intellectual aptitude; Seeing inwards in combination with Thinking inwards; only that in the one case the philosopher sees more than he thinks, in the other thinks more than he sees. This mental tendency is, as I think, hardly rare, only it does not seem easily to further results of the very highest order; in the nineteenth century we might name Fechner as the representative of Seeing in this fashion, and Lotze as the representative of the more abstract Thinkers. It is true that Fechner speaks of a cosmic organism and so forth, but that is quite in a different sense from that of Kant and Goethe; the unity is with him a thought, not a perception; when it comes to perception he is a dogmatic atomist, and builds his whole representation of the world upon the acceptation of forces working at a distance. 43 In Lotze as in Bruno we have

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mechanical atomism pushed to the extreme, bound up with the doctrine of monads and the universal endowment of soul, — everything that is real is spiritual.
    Of even greater importance for the history of human thought is the other one-sided intellectual aptitude; Thinking outwards and Seeing outwards. The equations which proceed here between Seeing and Thinking seem to be in all cases rich and full of living power. For a man who Sees outwards like Descartes, whom we have named in our diagram as a pre-eminent representative of this tendency, instead of contenting himself with the barren insignificance of the formless atoms; feeds his phantasy with ever new superhuman nourishment, and the Thinking which is directed outwards, which associates itself with Seeing, does not immediately sublimate everything back into the formless primeval unity, — as is the case with Thinking directed inwards — as in Goethe, for example, — but consolidates it, perhaps artificially, perhaps high-handedly, and yet practically. If, however, in such a man it is not Seeing but Thinking that is preponderant, as in our example Aristotle, then we see that this man also has an open eye for the facts of nature; he may force the facts by the assumptions of his intellect — but at least he leans upon them for support; and because his eye preferentially sees that which is organic, so in his Thinking he will organise and create form. In both cases we may expect systems of philosophy that shall be firm, broadly designed, often dogmatic, but consistent.
    There is no need for me to exhibit Aristotle as a man whose Thinking is directed outwards; he is the pluralist par excellence; he is always dissecting. Still, when I use the word dissect, I must at the same time point out that he does not dismember: remember that the mere idea of atomism signifies a destruction of form: the atoms are not a mere thought-analysis of that which exists, but its practical dissolution; that is why the abstract monist

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so easily harmonises with this view which we praise as concretely natural-scientific, and teaches with Bruno: ogni volto, ogni faccia é vanitá é come nulla, every countenance, every special form is a vain nothing. Very different was Aristotle. For him it is precisely form (μορφή) by means of which a thing enters into the daylight of Being (ευτελέχεια) out of the night of non-existence (στέρησις). The whole of his achievements in the domain of pure thought (Logic, the categories, and so forth) is a taking to pieces with a view to reconstruction. But that his view of Nature is purely directed outwards you can gather with certainty from the one symptom that he is a declared antiatomist. Here the position of Aristotle is the exact reverse of that of Bruno. Bruno maintains that the universe has no bounds, that it is absolutely infinite, 44 but, on the other hand, looking downwards there must be a boundary, for if there were no atoms there could only be nothing. Aristotle's teaching, on the contrary, shows that, looking upwards there are real individuals, and that means form, and that again means something which is bounded; and so the world of the stars must have boundaries, otherwise it would be formless, and that means nullity; 45 but downwards everything is one continuity (συνεχής), and therefore boundlessly divisible. 46 These two primary ideas of Aristotle, the individual and the continuous, arise, to hold by our formula, out of pure Seeing outwards: they form the exact contradiction of the universal all-one and the atom.
    In the same group on our table, but with preponderant insistence upon Seeing, we find Descartes. In Descartes no one will question the fact that the Seeing is directed outwards: he organises space: that is the aim of his Principia. Like Aristotle, he is a deadly foe of the Atoms, of empty space, and of the forces working at a distance; that is to say, he is a representative of the

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organistic-dynamical standpoint in opposition to the atomistic mechanical. 47 And here you must take care not to stumble against a stone of offence, for you have already heard that Descartes looks upon all living beings is “machines,“ and now we see that he is a sworn enemy of the mechanical school. You must accurately understand what it is that Descartes means by machine. Just because in Descartes not Seeing alone but Thinking also is purely turned outwards, he is the bluntest dualist that ever lived: Aristotle does not come up to him in this. Now this Seeing combined with this Thinking necessarily leads him entirely to distinguish the so-called intellect — prana, vâc, pneuma, psyche, nous, logos, etc., from concrete nature. The Monist, if you watch him closely, will always try to smuggle in a second idea, while the strict Dualist, Kapila in India, Descartes in Europe, maintains perfectly “pure nature,“ if I may so express myself, and can therefore far more consistently treat her as monistic than the true monist, who has always something of the Janus bifrons about him. So it comes to pass that Descartes' natural science is out and out materialistic, as all exact science should be; it is true science as we became acquainted with it in the second lecture, and in contradistinction to Goethe's perception of nature. And this science can proceed in no other way than according to Kant's maxim: “I must always reflect upon all forms in material nature in accordance with the principle of the mere mechanism of nature, and so far as I can investigate it, because unless we base the investigation of nature upon it as a fundamental principle, there can be no true knowledge of nature.“ (Ur, § 70.) That, however, gives rise to some misunderstanding; for we pay too little attention to the fact that the conception “mechanism“ occurs in two different senses. The man who accepts atoms and empty space believes that through the union of atoms, whether necessary or accidental, transient forms come into

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being which consequently are only a manifestation of the fundamental movements of infinitesimal particles, and are therefore also of subordinate importance, which is the distinctive mark of all our atomistic science; but the man who, on the contrary, assumes a space which is filled explains all movement within it as conditioned and required by form. The difference corresponds pretty nearly to that which is established in physics between Kinetics and Kinematics. Kinetics investigate the movement of causative powers, with respect to the masses of bodies, etc., and are of their essence arithmetical. Kinematics investigate the reciprocal positions of different parts, in other words the form of a Whole, and the movements which necessarily result from it, and are consequently essentially geometrical. From this comparison it is perfectly clear how far the one comprehension of “machine“ may be abstract, the other concrete — the one a mere thought, the other a perception. Descartes under the word “machine“ understands something concretely perceptible. If he speaks of machines with reference to living beings, he means thereby that he needs no intellectual principle, no soul, for the explanation of what takes place in nature, but confines its phenomena to a completely isolated domain, whereby he not only fundamentally rejects the spiritualist, but above all the scientific monist, who everywhere brings in the Soul. We must unconditionally admit that Descartes' machines are even more “mechanical“ than those of a Democritus, a De la Mettrie, or a Ludwig Büchner: at the same time we must lay stress on the fact that the idea is a different one. Here philosophies differ in spite of a manifold common terminology. In this case the criterion is very simple, even though it should require the accurate knowledge of a thinker to apply it with certainty. In order to distinguish machine from machine, it is only necessary to ask

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oneself: does this philosopher consider organism to be a machine, or is the machine in his view an organism?
    That is as much as need be said about Descartes' method of Seeing. His dualism is proof enough that his Thinking also was directed outwards. He certainly never possessed the stiff one-sidedness with which he has been accredited; just as much as Kant he admitted the possibility of a “common root“: 48 but he saw the immense advantage that perception as well as thought would derive through being scrupulously separated from one another. Consistent materialistic science is impossible without dualism; without it the Ego fades away and with it we lose the last point of support, — the si fallor sum of St. Augustine, the cogito, ergo sum of Descartes, — without which it is utterly impossible for us to speak scientifically of a world and of knowledge of the world. On the other hand, after Descartes had taught us clearly to distinguish between thought and expansion, the old familiar equation between Thinking and Seeing could never again be maintained with its unsophisticated effrontery. 49 It was thanks to this splendid man that natural science threw off the shackles of the Socratic adulteration of reason and teleology; and thought, freed from the servitude of a monstrous natural symbolicism, was now guided on the road to criticism. 50
    One word more before we close our observations upon this interesting intellectual character. The immense influence of an Aristotle and a Descartes upon the thought and investigations of Europe is openly manifest, but none the less have these very men been passionately attacked in all times, and indeed often by the best intellects. In order to be thoroughly aroused, philosophy and the investigation of nature were forced energetically to shake themselves free of Aristotle, — all stood up against him — the monists, the dualists, the mechanists, and the dynamists; how Descartes was treated on all

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hands I have set out in the previous lecture. It seems to me that this is accounted for in the following way. There is something violently arbitrary in this disposition to comprehend nature purely as nature, and Thinking also as nature. I hardly know whether you will understand me if I say that by this direction of thought the road to Ideas is blocked, that is to say, to those Ideas with which our first lecture, calling in Goethe as a support, dealt with, and which as Kant puts it beam back upon us out of the focus imaginarius. But it is just these ideas that are the true parents of Thinking in relation to Nature: it is here that the myth is born, the myth which expresses pure Truth, a Truth that never could have been inverted, like Goethe's Metamorphosis and Kant's Freedom, — whereas Thinking which is directed severely outwards rather analyses than observes, and rather organises than gives life. Goethe the great Seer, perceived that in full clearness without, however, having brought it together into a systematic connection. He complains that in Aristotle — the architectural man as he calls him — the comprehension at once reaches empiricism without any intermediary; 51 I think you must understand by now how in a thinker with such tendencies it could not be otherwise: it is only a bold leap that can lead from Thinking outwards to Seeing outwards. You have seen what pains Aristotle took to act as intermediary between God and the World: he met with but scant success. Of Descartes, who in contradistinction to Aristotle started from empiricism, Goethe opined that he did not succeed in finding the connection with comprehensions. “He seems to be lacking in imagination and elevation: he finds no intellectual, living symbols, in order to bring near to himself and to others phenomena which it is difficult to express. He makes use of the crudest mental parables in order to explain that which cannot be grasped, even the incom-

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prehensible.“ 52 That exactly hits the mark, and from the same standpoint as in the case of Aristotle, only that the one stands on one bank, the other on the other bank. And so we all of us as thinkers and investigators come to rebel against these two men in both of whom Thinking and Seeing are directed outwards. Architects they are, but they set to work with their materials crudely and arbitrarily; they are wanting in the keenness and consistency of the Democritus-Bruno group (Thinking and Seeing inwards) as well as in the premonition and gentle intuition of the Goethe-Schopenhauer group (Thinking inwards, Seeing outwards) and the compact logical exclusiveness of the Newton group (Thinking outwards, Seeing inwards), at which we are now arriving. Still, they do not allow themselves to be finally routed and pushed on one side; for we can dispense neither with the organisation of thought, nor with the organisation of that which is perceived, and no one is so fitted for such organisation as these two very men.
    One combination still remains to be spoken of: that of Thinking outwards and Seeing inwards. This is the true disposition to natural science; the method of perception which results from it is reckoned by investigators of nature as of almost dogmatic value, and so far science has fared well under the limitations thus tyrannically imposed: every rebel has succumbed. I have already shown how here the two-sided limitation is the principle of intellectual life; it is also shown by our scheme-diagram. Thinking in this case does not in any way reflect upon itself, but addresses itself only to that which is perceived: but Seeing only takes count of so much in perceived nature as associates itself conveniently with Thinking; all the rest it passes by with closed eyes. As Goethe says so pointedly of the investigators of nature: “in such people everything quickly turns inwards“ This process of Seeing and this process of Thinking we

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studied in detail in the second lecture in the example of physical optics. It is anthropomorphism in its highest potentiality, for here we only think of what can reach the brain through the senses — the whole world of the invisible remains unobserved — and perception only takes place in such a manner as the mechanically combining logic of the human brain chooses, — the whole world of that which is truly visible remains equally unobserved. Here all wisdom rests upon the needle-point of the Anthropos and his special interests. Still, I would call attention to the great power which lies precisely in this. In Thinking which is entirely directed upon Seeing there can be no empty thoughts. In Seeing which is entirely directed upon Thinking “blind perceptions“ are out of the question. Here everything is to the purpose, each part fits exactly into the other, it is the perfection of equilibrium.
    As for what concerns the specific Thinking of the investigators of Nature, it is to be observed that in most cases they content themselves with a minimum. I have already called attention to the special limitation in Newton's thinking, and have shown how advantageous this limitation was for the work which he had in hand. Much might be said about the difficulties which many of the most important investigators of nature, indeed we might say the majority of them, experience in understanding philosophical thoughts, even the formulation of the question upon which all philosophy is based; it is a melancholy chapter, for in consequence of this shortcoming the just respect which famous investigators enjoy among us has at the same time led to a widespread philosophical dullness, which is in its turn a great danger for the universal position of culture. That even a Helmholtz should have shown himself to be utterly incapable of really understanding the aim and methods of Kant's critical investigation of the human intellect, is the fact that I have

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already discussed, referring you to Classen's irrefutable arguments. What are we to say of Lord Kelvin whom years ago Zöllner attacked on this point, and of all the so-called English natural philosophers in a body? I prefer to call attention to a last new example, the chemist Wilhelm Ostwald, for we cannot afford to pass over in silence the incurable limitation of this order of thought.
    Every friend of science honours the name of Ostwald. Out of the chaos of chemistry, Ostwald has known how to construct a perspicuous erection, and his little book, Wissenschaftliche Grundlagen der analytischen Chemie (“scientific foundations of analytical Chemistry“), is the delight of all those who, like myself, have had to build up their knowledge of chemistry in the laboratory out of a thousand disconnected fragments, without a trace of any intellectual bond of union. This learned man, whose methodological talent is so pre-eminent, has recently gone over to philosophy. Of his “lectures on natural philosophy“ in which he develops his own philosophy, I will say nothing; that would lead us too far: but he is now publishing a periodical, Annalen der Naturphilosophie, and the first number is adorned by a special critical study of Kant. What is offered here surpasses all imagination. Listen only to the following sentence: “to Kant's leading question, how are synthetic judgments possible a priori? we answer, judgments a priori are indeed impossible, and all knowledge arises out of experience.“ 53 Pray do not take alarm at the expression “synthetic judgments a priori“: we are dealing with something which the properly trained man can easily grasp, and for which Kant, as was his wont, used a scholastic term; the whole conclusion of our lecture on Descartes has shown you that in order to perceive things, there must be a form of perception, — and the same is the case with thought — so that as Kant says, there must be “conditions of experience“; it is to this

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that the somewhat irritating expression “synthetic judgments a priori“ refers. Sometimes Kant substitutes for it the more descriptive word erweiterungs urteile, by which it is implied that we add to the perception something more than the perception itself contained, before the so-called experience comes into being. For the moment, however, the remark will suffice that the one and only question out of which the whole Kritik der reinen Vernunft arises, is this, How is experience in general possible? That all knowledge arises only from experience, that is the impregnable conviction for which Kant gave his whole life; he maintained this view against a whole world of theological prejudice and Aristotelian scholastic dogmas of reason, and at the same time he brushed away the insufficient, halting, metaphysically unsatisfactory attempts of Descartes, Locke, and Hume; he is the first and only one who taught and proved that all knowledge springs from experience; he it is who once for all deprived of their deceptive brilliancy the lume interno and the divino sole intellettuale of Bruno 54 and his modern partisans, and in the place of all so-called inner illumination substituted the dictum “all recognition of things out of pure understanding or pure reason is nothing but mere moonshine, and only in experience is there truth.“ (P. Anh.) But here it is necessary to make a distinction. For if by experience we understand only pure empirical experience, only the evidence of the senses without any intellectual assistance, then obviously we can by these means alone arrive at no clear perception of anything. Of experience so understood Kant says on the very first page of the Reine Vernunft: “But although all our recognition may begin with experience, still it does not all spring out of experience. For it might well be that even our recognition of experience might be a compound made up of what we receive by impressions, together with what our own power of recognition, merely following

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on impressions of the senses, automatically gives out, — an addition which we do not distinguish from that fundamental material until long practice has made us careful to observe it and clever at defining it.“ I refer you to our first lecture (p. 86 seq.), where I gave you detailed information upon this, and showed you that we might quite justly call The Critique of Pure Reason the “preparatory school of experience.“ And now comes our bold chemist, and thinks himself compelled to aver against Kant that all knowledge originates in experience! That is just what has got to be proved and what can only be irrefutably set out by a systematic metaphysical analysis of experience, — a dissection of every apparently simple experience into its component parts, and an exact following up to its origin of every component part, that is to say, a complete exposition of the proceeding of our human recognition. “The most difficult part of all criticism is the analysis of experience and the principles of the possibility of the latter,“ — so writes Kant to his pupil Beck. (20. 1. 1792.) It was for this, — for the sake of the proof, only to be gained by an analysis of experience, that all knowledge without exception comes from experience, that Kant wrote his critiques. And in them he shows with mathematical precision that what is called experience, could in no way come into being, unless our intellect were organised for the pronouncing of fixed judgments, 55 through which unity is first achieved between the numberless meshes of perceptions (just the judgments a priori) and from that he at once deduced that these very judgments can only be used for perceptions, and have no in any way qualified significance outside of the domain of experience. So that he asserts with apodictic certainty: “unless we begin with experience, or unless we proceed according to laws of the empirical connection of phenomena, we make a poor show of trying to guess at or investigate the existence of anything.“ (R.V. 274.) That

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was the blow with which he once for all felled all obscurantism — religious obscurantism and scientific obscurantism. For so long as it is not made clear that the immovable boundaries of our knowledge and thought are given in our own human nature, the door is thrown wide open to fanaticism and dogmatism. Here, as Kant says, “the nihil ulterius must be placarded on the pillars of Hercules which nature herself has raised in order to carry the voyage of our reason only so far as the ever-receding coasts of experience can reach.“ But now there arises a new species of the exterminated obscurantists; they have left the cloisters for the laboratories, and from thence, in the name of science forsooth, they desire to annihilate the most precious conquests of our whole culture and to replace criticism by a modern dogmatism, the dogmatism of an antimetaphysical pseudo-scientific “experience.“ Kant had already exercised his wit upon them; “various natural-history professors of modern times think that they can catch the eel of science by the tail“ (Tr. II. Anf.); Ostwald belongs to that class. It is just forty years since that eminent man who was so genuinely a strict empirical thinker, to whom we owe so much, Friedrich Albert Lange, attacked precisely the same narrowness of conception in John Stuart Mill: he showed that Mill never understood what Kant was talking about, since “Kant begins where Mill leaves off,“ and very rightly remarked that Mill was perfectly satisfied where for Kant the question, “how is experience possible?“ first arises. 56 But it was of no use; this Thinking that is not pure, combined with Seeing that is not pure, in a systematically one-sided development, breeds a limitation so peculiar, that these people end by becoming practically unable to grasp a real thought. You can read further in Ostwald's treatise. Anybody with a glimmer of Kant's aim and achievements, cannot believe his eyes, and balances between ringing laughter and angry displeasure.

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    I have several times studied the treatise to see whether Ostwald in any passage, I will not say grasped a single thought of Kant's, that would be too much to expect, but whether he ever approximately suspected its true meaning, — whether he ever remarked what it was that Kant actually was speaking of: — the result was negative. And that is the sort of stuff that is written, printed, read, and which whoever wishes to be up-to-date must buy. A deeply mortifying phenomenon! It would not matter if our chemists, like Ostwald, or our zoologists, like Haeckel, were unable to understand the first principles of all philosophy: their own domain is wide enough, and as Kant a hundred and twenty years ago answered an Ostwald of those days, “it really is not necessary that every man should study metaphysics“; 57 still, in a country like Germany, where famous specialists possess such enormous influence, the unhappy dilettantism of these people who leave their retorts and microscopes, in order to develop systems of philosophy in the course of a night, is apt to grow into a cultural danger. So it is here. Kant was a pioneer of freedom; his lifework of criticism is such a fruitful destroyer of all superstition and all historical dogmatism, that Rome itself trembles before this man. But now our freedom, our innermost freedom, the release from the delusions of many thousand years, is once more being cruelly threatened; the enemy is under arms along the whole line. We Teutons have not only subjected the whole surface of this planet to our commerce, but have determined to rise to new ideals, worthy of free men, to ideals purged of Judaism and Egyptology: but how are we to conquer if to the religious fables of antiquity, and the grandiose thought-structures of the clerical philosophers, we have nothing better to oppose than the poor stammerings of the Ostwalds and Haeckels?
    So much for the Thinking of the investigators of

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nature. You know that there are many who are not of the same mind as these somewhat arrogant spokesmen, indeed that many of our most successful investigators are on Kant's side; one of our most sturdy practical zoologists when he had read Ostwald's above-mentioned treatise threw it into his waste-paper basket, with the indignant cry “philosophical barbarism“! Still, it is striking that the more deeply thinking investigators of nature have rare and small influence upon the ear of the majority of their colleagues, and consequently of the public. A Descartes is more stimulant in philosophy than in natural history, and a Heinrich Hertz remains under the suspicion of his colleagues on account of his acceptance of unseen motions. I think that that is connected with that universal disposition with which you are now acquainted, and which is alone profitable in what is called “exact investigation.“ The best aptitude for such investigation is abstract Seeing combined with concrete Thinking; manifestly it must be the most unfavourable disposition for all philosophy. You know what electricians call short circuit? Instead of completing its course and, for example, setting alight all the lamps in a house, the electric current jumps from one branch of the circuit to another and goes back purposelessly to its starting-point: as soon as the typical investigator of nature tries to leave the domain allotted to him, this short circuit manifests itself in him: he can neither force his way to the subject either on the side of Thinking nor on that of Seeing, but circles aimlessly round and round inside of the narrowest horizon that can be imposed upon the human intellect. Thinkers after the manner of an Ostwald and a Haeckel, when they leave the ground of their uncontested and unboundedly admirable mastery in order to tinker at metaphysics, may as, it seems to me, be excellently well defined as
“short-circuit philosophers.“

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    It is hardly necessary to expatiate more closely upon the method of Seeing in this form of intellectual capacity, for the subject was treated in detail in our second lecture. From that lecture it is possible for us to give a mathematically exact definition of this method of Seeing: it is the manner of Seeing which, as far as possible, is concerned only with the pure form of perception, while, on the contrary, it takes as little notice as may be of the empirical side of perception. Here then we again see the utmost limitation as regards that which is only human, and a fundamental neglect of that nature which is extra-human. There are certainly still sciences in which description plays a dominant part, because it is needful in the first instance to gather up the facts; but the necessary tendency of all exact science is, as already shown, the elimination of the empirical; it is only in that way that it can become “exact.“ I have already brought to light the special force which lies in this combination of abstract Seeing with concrete Thinking, and I showed it in the example of scientific optics. Here Thinking and Seeing directly join hands, and weave themselves into one another in such a fashion, that the average investigator of nature is quite unable mentally to distinguish between that which is only thought and that which is really seen.
    Whether there could be any specific thinkers who could belong to this group seems to me doubtful; I search my memory and cannot name one. It is only in the realm of natural science, only with Seeing as a starting-point, that this intellectual disposition can achieve great intellectual feats, as for example in the case of Newton; the specific thinker, on the contrary, must, one would imagine, at once be suffocated.

    We have now come to an end of the analytical examination of our Scheme: I must, however, ask leave to add a few words by way of general orientation.

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    In the first place let me point out that in this Scheme I have only had in my mind the Indo-Europeans, and even amongst them only those thinkers who elevate themselves to a school of philosophy.
    A man like Spinoza, for instance, belongs to another world, and that for one special reason: in him the spirit of mythicism is wanting. Whereas the Indians had taught that the very Gods themselves could not fathom the secret of existence, and Aristotle, with his very positive intellect, made all philosophy have its origin in self-amazement, and go off into countless αποριαι, that is to say, questions incapable of solution, — Spinoza recognises no mysterium, he is astonished at nothing, saying expressly that no question rises above the human power of comprehension, and everything can be explained in the most convenient manner (commodissime explicari). What is wanting here is that fountain-head of nature out of which not only all mythology, but moreover, all science and all philosophy spring: namely Phantasy. “In the hands of the Semites,“ says Renan, “the myths are all transformed into flat historical reports.“ 58 Here is a case in point: Spinoza is the dreamless man. Let us open Descartes' correspondence. We hear much there of his glorious dreams “which carry him into woods, gardens, and magicians' castles, where he lives all the joys that poets ever imagined,“ he tells us too how “the day-dreams at his waking become unconsciously fused with the dreams of the night.“ 59 Whereas the man to whom the night reveals nothing is incapable of seeing that the morning sun adds to the nightly secret of the true Ego the thousand insoluble secrets of the non-Ego. The man who is dreamless can never understand the men who are rich in dreams. So much the more questionable does it become when the former takes all that is marrow and bone in him from the latter, as is the case with Spinoza: for of his two principal works the one is

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entitled An Exposition of the Principles of the Philosophy of Descartes, while the other, the Ethics, certainly does not bear Bruno's name, but derives all its fundamental principles from him, and demonstrably out of an intimate familiarity with his chief works. 60 To have brought Descartes and Bruno, the two diametrically opposed intellects, under one roof is certainly an achievement; but it is one in which only a man totally foreign to both of them could succeed, — a man who never grasped their living personality, but only certain formal moments in the texture of their methods of thinking. The mere title of the work on Descartes shows how little real understanding of our philosophers Spinoza possessed: he says that the “Principles“ are more geometrico demonstrata, demonstrated or proved geometrically. But you know from our former lecture that Descartes, great mathematician as he was, nevertheless saw in mathematics “only the husk of the (philosophical) method,“ l'enveloppe de cette méthode, not the method itself, and that he, like Plato, only recognised in mathematics the significance of a training of the understanding, “of a means of cultivating philosophical thought, and a road leading to knowledge.“ 61 You know also what was his opinion of definitions and syllogisms, qui embarrassent en pensant conduire, and which are only fitted to make what is clear dark, and to block the road to true insight. And now comes a man, and undertakes to adapt Descartes to our taste by beginning every section with a whole series of definitions, axioms, and corollaries; and then strides from one proposition to another in a strictly syllogistic path. And we blue-eyed, fair-haired, short-sighted, homines Europaei, stand there gaping, and wonder at the clever, presumptuous Jew, and applaud him for his mishandling of a grand philosophy. 62
    Much might be added here, but it would take us too far away from our subject: against one thing I must

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warn you: do not let yourselves be led away by the persistent preference for Spinoza of our professional philosophers. They are attracted by what is really his chief fault, the logically systematic tendency, the enemy of all living perception, arbitrarily destroying all the contradictions which truth offers. Only see how gloriously Descartes lives his life! One day he hunts with Wallenstein over the plains of Bohemia, the next day he writes a treatise on acoustics, the day after that a comedy, — one day he constructs a telescope to search the depths of the heavens, the next day he dissects animals to fathom the secret of the circulation of the blood, the day after that he makes experiments upon the weight of air and refraction of light; one day he discovers the aether, the second day analytical geometry, the third day the Scheme of bodies in motion. That is the life of lives, an unbroken intercourse between Man and Nature. The “noble“ Baruch, * on the contrary, from cradle to grave sits in his little back room, thinks over what he has read in Descartes and Bruno, and out of it with incomparable cleverness weaves himself a web of syllogisms. The consequence is that nine-tenths of Descartes' services remain unnoticed by our philosophical schoolmen; for they do not understand them, they do not belong to their department; but the further disadvantage is that it leads to their seeing the remaining tenth in a wrong perspective, while no iota of Spinoza's lifework is lost by them. But we may draw this conclusion from it, that here we have before us a man of another race, a sort of Ideal-Rabbi, 63 whereas all our own great thinkers, without exception, were men of action: Plato, Aristotle, Democritus, the Brahmans (who were forbidden to give themselves up entirely to meditation before they were grandfathers), Bruno, Leibniz, Bacon, Hume; all of them work and build with eyes and hands, and are the lords, not the slaves, of Reason.

    * Benedict Spinoza. Benedict is the translation of Baruch.

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Only a most superficial delusion could lead us astray about Kant in this respect: in his case too, natural science, geography, anthropology, politics, the art of war, were his chief daily food; in his investigations of the mysteries of nature he was more like a Galilei than a Spinoza, and so brought to light more truth than incontrovertible systematics.
    But even within our group of nations we must know how to distinguish between men who develop a philosophy of their own, and those who, as so-called “philosophers,“ only occupy themselves with the technicalities and history of thought; to the latter our scheme is not to be applied. For instance, John Stuart Mill confesses in so many words that he always knew that as an “original thinker,“ that is as a creative thinker, he was scarcely endowed with the most modest gifts, and was only fitted for abstract science and for the critical analysis of the thoughts of others. He was over thirty years old, as he tells us, when for the first time in his life he began to understand that art and poetry are elements of culture! This thoroughly noble and high-minded man was systematically brought up just as if the object were to make a blind man of him, and we now know precisely why, under such conditions, even the most gifted of men could by no possibility become an “original thinker.“ 64
    After these caveats against that which is physically and, therefore at the same time intellectually, foreign to us, as well as against much that is really related to us, — caveats necessary to an understanding of the whole — I would fain add yet a few general remarks which may recapitulate and sum up our schematic endeavours.
    You will be able clearly to grasp the fundamental difference between the typical Thinker and the typical Seer if you compare the two fellow-countrymen and contemporaries, Socrates and Democritus. Socrates says,

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in order to explain nature we must exclusively consult the principles of reason; Democritus says, in order to explain reason we must exclusively consult what takes place in nature.
    There you have the principle. Now if you wish to see the two categories of men at work, you have only to contrast Democritus as Seer, although his Seeing is directed inwards, with Aristotle as Thinker, although his Thinking is directed outwards: in Democritus all notions are simple, palpable, indestructible: empty space, the atoms, — every perception of the senses a matter of touch — all change a combination or a separation — all that happens a necessity — causes of motion the only ones, etc. Whatever form of abstraction plays a part in Democritus, it is still always an abstraction rooted in perception. In Aristotle, on the contrary, the notions are either so endlessly entangled (like that of the substances painfully derived from the motions of the stars), that no man on earth can grasp them; or else they are so far removed from all perceptibility that nothing remains but almost bare logic, as, for example, in his supreme final aim, towards which everything strives, and the existence of which consists of pure Thinking, but not of a Thinking of thoughts — even in that there would be too much colour — but of a Thinking of Thinking: in the same way in his abstruse notions of possibility, reality, realisability, etc. This is the distinction between the Seer and the Thinker. The following too is interesting: the Seer Democritus does not trouble himself as to whether Thinking can or cannot work with him: an empty space, an indivisible magnitude, a material spirit, are unthinkable: if a man imagines that he is thinking anything in all this, he deceives himself; these are pure perceptions arising by analogy out of what man sees in nature, namely out of the air-space, the diminutive particles, and the animal world; in the specific thinker, on the contrary,

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reason is the autocrat (p. 330), and he would prefer to adopt a demonstrably false acceptation rather than an unthinkable one. In the construction of the inevitable equation between Thinking and Seeing, the observer of Nature is rather inclined to violate Thinking than Seeing: with the Thinker the reverse holds good; so long as the matter has the ring of logic, for aught he cares it may in every other way be a nonentity. Violence is a matter of necessity to both: the reason has been shown in the former lecture.
    In the case just brought forward we contrasted the man whose Thinking is directed outwards with the man whose Seeing is directed inwards: the contrast of the Thinker inwards with the Seer outwards is even more paradoxical.
    The pure Thinkers, the men who, like Bruno, prize the dialectical proof of the eternity of the world higher than the witness of the telescope, and who would prefer to pass sleepless nights in order logically to arrive at a fraudulent conception of the existence of atoms, rather take advantage of this hypothesis of the atoms — a working hypothesis — in order to render some service to empirical science, — these men have for the most part in spite of all a specially lively feeling for nature: they are enthusiastic about her, they are in love with her, they adore her. Of the mystics you know that full well; but even Bruno, who cannot be numbered among the religious mystics, says of nature:

    Est animal sanctum, sacrum et venerabile, mundus. 65

With rapture these men drink in the world-picture in its great as well as in its small and smallest revelations. Plotinus makes a sophist enquire of nature why she works? She answers, “because I am a nature that takes delight in seeing.“ 66 Such men stand as it were upon a high mountain over against the visible world, and gaze

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and look upon it sometimes with extraordinary clearness “The world is a universal figure of the intellect, a symbolical picture of the same,“ says one of them, Novalis: 67 does not that remind us of the rising Sun of the Indians in the striking glory of which spiritual illumination was sure to be found? That is why intelligences of that nature are often very precious for the recognition even of the outer world; it is true that sometimes the reciprocal relations of the positions of things and their directions are interchanged, because they see everything in the camera obscura of their intellects; still in that camera everything is rich in colour, sharply outlined, and intoxicated with truth like a dream. That accounts, for example, for the incredible intuition of the Cosmos with which Bruno not only left Copernicus behind him, but even overhauled Galilei and Kepler, who were born after him. Note well too that the extreme thinker sometimes sees the visible world better, and furnishes a truer picture of it than the investigator of nature, who, as every man who has passed the natural-science schools can bear witness, often sees nothing, nothing but his microscope, and his reagents, and formulae, and calculations and cramped theories. But how often the reverse takes place, how often, I mean, it happens that the man whose Seeing is directed outwards casts a penetrating glance into the inmost secrets of Thinking, is a matter which will not have escaped your observation. The antimystic intellect which starts boldly upon the conquest of Nature, sees itself soon compelled to reckon with a mightily disconcerting adjunct, namely with the Ego, which, like the queue in Chamisso's Tragische Geschichte (tragic story) always hangs behind him, turn which way he will. Nolens volens he must study metaphysics: in no other way can he reach the shore, or set quietly to work. And so we experience the marvellous fact that it is the opponents of pure thought and of all scholastic philosophy

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who cause our whole modern thought to bear fruit, and who act as its guides. Descartes feels a frank antipathy to all true philosophising: “only very few hours in the year do I devote to questions of mere reason,“ he says of himself (IX, 132); he does it hastily and peevishly, just to be quit of it; he consistently mistrusts the learned studies and exercises of the professional philosophers: les formes et syllogismes ne servent de rien pour découvrir la vérité des choses (XI, 294); the professors are, according to him, “in consequence of their philosophical studies less able to attain wholesome rational views, than they would be had they never busied themselves with such things.“ Again, “the less a man has learnt of so-called philosophy the fitter he is to understand the true philosophy“ — “the more pains he has taken in the old philosophy the less capable he will be as a rule to grasp truth.“ 68 The methods in which a Bruno revels, the atmosphere of abstraction and dialectics and hair-splitting which to this day surrounds all scholastic philosophy, are to him repulsive: nous ne reconnaissons aucun des êtres philosophiques qui ne tombent pas réellement sous l'imagination (XI, 299). Away with it all! He will have none of it. What cannot be perceived is all a mere jingle of words! A man like Descartes deals with metaphysics solely in order to get rid of them, solely in order not to become a metaphysician. And yet it is just he who gives a new direction to our metaphysics, — he who has illuminated the problem of thought as deeply as Bruno, the dialectician, has illuminated the night of the Cosmos by which we are surrounded.
    So much for the pre-eminent Thinkers and Seers in contrast to one another. With reference to the manner in which the equation between Thinking and Seeing is carried out in every single brain, according to the combination which has the greater influence with it, I should like to call attention to what follows.

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    Actual formation always proceeds from the part which is directed outwards. That is why in cases where both parts are directed inwards there is a disintegration of all form. In Democritus, since he is a Seer, that happened concretely: he laid form in ruins and replaced it by the bodily conceived atoms: in Bruno, the Thinker, matters took an abstract course, he fused everything into a unity of which he had to admit non é figurato ne figurabile, non é terminato ne terminabile; non é forma perche non informa ne figura altro, etc. 69 Where, on the contrary, both parts are directed outwards we at once find an excessive demand for formation. The informing power of an Aristotle is at once magnificent and fatal: an uncertain outline is intolerable to him, a thing of which it could be said that non é terminato ne terminabile would in his view be a monster; that is why he is the Lord of Schemes; he gives form to the abstract, he schematises that which is capable of being known, and for that which may not be known he sets up Dogmas. Very similar is the way in which Descartes goes to work, only that in him it is Seeing that is preponderant, so that he finds himself face to face with problems of which Aristotle never suspected the existence: yet the principle is the same; he is bound to take everything into his clutches, to give form to everything, from the relations between God and man, between expansion and thought, down to the shape of the particles of the aether, and the mechanism of the transmission of light. Such men really produce panoramic pictures, since their power of informing embraces both worlds. On the other hand, it is characteristic of Newton and of the investigators who rally round him, that although they pride themselves upon setting to work on strictly empirical principles, it is Thinking alone which has an informing influence, because thought alone is in them directed outwards; whereas their Seeing being directed inwards is blind to form; for which reason

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our exact science according to them might be called the formation in thought of that which is to the eye formless. It is a question of Thinking of phenomena, not a true Seeing of phenomena. It observes much, but only with the help of instruments which Thinking, so far as human power goes, has invented, and only by taking for its foundation theories which have the property of at once transforming into thoughts all that is seen. It begins by taking the phenomenon to pieces, and then builds it up again into thoughts. That is what in a former lecture (p. 180) justified us in describing science as systematic anthropomorphism. How ridiculous is the often repeated assertion that our ancestors were “simple anthropomorphists“: the man who looks out upon free nature, and feels himself at one with her, — only think of Homer! — is far less of an anthropomorphist than the man who talks himself into the belief that colour is the duration of oscillations. Yet this criticism, however justifiable, must not be allowed to shut us out from the recognition of the fact that no intellectual disposition is so powerful as this forcible packing of man into the central domain, as far removed from pure nature as from the pure Ego, where every thought is concrete and every perception is abstract. The most exact contrast to this is afforded by Goethe, in whom the informing principle, inasmuch as his Thinking is directed inwards, is rooted in the Seeing which is directed outwards: hence the special impulse and power of projecting outwards into the world of the eye ideas to which a clear shape has been given. Since ideas apparently arise in our reason out of a reflection of nature, thanks to the energies of reason from which there is no escape, ever striving to introduce “unity into the special recognitions,“ as Kant says, that is to say, unity into the manifold, — it is evident that it is precisely a Thinking inwards which always strives for unity, combined with Seeing outwards which clearly perceives the manifold, —

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which must lead to working with ideas. If we were to take up again the conflict between Idea and Experience, between Goethe and Schiller, we should arrive at much more exact results. In Schopenhauer the matter presents itself somewhat differently from what it does in Goethe, because the former starts from the standpoint of abstract thought; whereas in Goethe thought reflects nature as perceived, in Schopenhauer it is nature that reflects thought. But this relationship works wonders for the communication of thoughts, born in the very darkest depths of a reason half unconscious because unimaged, and entirely barren of form: and if Schopenhauer's idea of the Will never becomes really capable of being grasped, but rather lies like a shadowed image upon things, he finds himself much in the same position as Goethe with his metamorphosis, which also floats hither and thither between perception and thoughts. In contrast to the Newtonian principle which embodies all nature in the human intellect, this principle has the tendency to expand the human intellect over all nature. Herein are rooted both the sympathy and the antagonism of the two aims; a Goethe and a Schopenhauer feel themselves to be passionately attracted and as passionately repelled by empirical science; they are in just the same position with regard to abstract science. But we who in considering the subject desire to take a bird's-eye view of all parties, recognise in both feelings, — in that of love and in that of hatred, — the symptoms of a certain undeniable relationship between the Goethe group and the Newton group — les extrêmes se touchent — while the Aristotle-Descartes tendency, and the Bruno-Democritus tendency, lie apart from both, and in their turn are interrelated to one another. A certain inclination of the Goethe group towards the Bruno group, and of the Newton group towards the Descartes group, need not mislead us, for it never amounts to more than a half agreement.

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    This last remark is very important for the disentanglement of the manifold philosophical systems which cross one another. In connection with our lecture of to-day it leads us to a lesson which will furnish an important conclusion to this excursus, a lesson upon the origin of our mythical ideas.
    We know that myths arise everywhere in the equation between Thinking and Being, since only the rainbow bridge born of phantasy pregnant with dreams is able to unite the two shores: but now that our sight has been sharpened by thorough dissection, we observe that this structure of myths embarks upon very different ways in the four chief tendencies which must be distinguished in the human intellect. In regard to the discovery of new myths only those tendencies have any power in which Seeing and Thinking are either both directed outwards, or both directed inwards: the two other tendencies shown in our diagram, Thinking inwards, Seeing outwards, Thinking outwards, Seeing inwards, are certainly as regards a fully harmonious, satisfying, and therefore lasting power of informing, superior to the others; some are most apt for producing ideal, others mathematical structures; but so far as true invention is concerned they are weak. A single glance at our general survey scheme (on p. 352) will suffice to convince you on this point. You perceive there the two great primitive myths of Thinking, — Monism and Pluralism, and the two great primitive myths of Seeing, — Atomism and Organism; from these fundamental perceptions you see the resulting main doctrines of the universal endowment of soul, of the dualism of body and soul, of the mechanical movement of pressure and impulse, of the dynamic movement which is the result of form; and now pray consider by whom these myths were discovered. Exclusively by men who belonged to the Aristotelian or the Bruno group. Monism and atomism both came to us from

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India, the land of those in whom Thinking and Seeing are directed entirely inwards: for pluralism and organism our thanks are in the first place due to the Greeks, to the people in whom Seeing and Thinking were directed outwards. This also holds good of the further systematic development: without Bruno, Aristotle, Democritus, Descartes, we should not possess the same clear view of these conceptions, and these men all represent intellects energetically directed either inwards or outwards. On the other hand, the two other groups gain the mastery of these myths, and by uniting things which originally had no connection with one another, obtain possession of, as it were, a rich building material with which they are able to erect the boldest and most ingenious structures. But for that reason, I mean because in such cases we cannot see the origin of these myths but only their application, we often fail to observe the source of the myth. Nothing has ever made so much use of myths as our modern natural science: even the religions are modest in comparison: unconcerned about origin and connection, it throws all dreams into the common stock, so long as they help notions and thought: the atoms and empty space must make common cause with the space-filling aether and the dynamic first principles: in practice the investigator, without exception, gives the dominant power to the dualistic notion of power and matter; in theory he preaches monism. We see the same thing, but less clearly exposed to view, in the Goethe group. Thus it is the special characteristic of Schopenhauer's system to be at the same time dogmatic monism and dogmatic dualism: and by this I do not wish to reproach this grandly consistent thinker with inconsistency and to hold up before him the usual bugbear of the professionthe so-called contradictions — but I only desire to call attention to the fact that he would not have been able to construct his own world of thought, and to furnish it with

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such fabulously plastic beauty, without these myths proceeding from two violently opposed methods of perception. Goethe does precisely the same with organicism and atomism; his perception of nature glitters in both colours. He so entirely absorbed the notion of organisation that he taught that we must recognise in the whole world of organisms one single interdependency of multitudinous components, and he premises that “we must ultimately look upon the whole animal world only as one great element, where one race either springs or maintains itself out of or upon the other“: at the same time he makes use of the opposite notion of the monads, that is to say, of organic atoms, and defines life purely mechanically as the “circular motion of the monads round themselves.“ 70 And that which, in such passages, can be proved incontrovertibly penetrates him through and through in every single particular. You will remember how our study of Goethe's doctrine of metamorphosis showed us the simultaneous and the consequent, rest and motion, unity and plurality represented together: that all proceeds from the fact that a man whose being is at the same time directed inwards and outwards attracts to his philosophy twofold myths, twofold equations between Thinking and Seeing. Just as the investigators of nature derive more power from the possession of two-sided capacities, so do men like Goethe and Schopenhauer gain more subtleness and appropriate ideas in what they prescribe by means of the richness and variety of the mythic element, than falls to the lot of the men of the two groups whose minds are directed to one side only. Still — I repeat it — only those men whose direction is entirely inwards or entirely outwards are the discoverers of myths, and even a Goethe could only set up the idea of metamorphosis, because the very word itself and the image of the metamorphosis, as well as the scientific fact of comparative anatomy, were

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at his hand, and so only the idea, quâ idea, had to master them; on the other hand, he never succeeded in reducing to a comprehensible image the idea which led him on for forty years in his studies of the doctrine of colour, and so the aim which he had in view remains unknown, and the world only recognises the abstract word “doctrine of colour.“ There was no lack of the power of giving form, but only a lack of the bold masterfulness which is the characteristic of a true framer of myths.
    How much might be added to this! but I have already spent more time over this excursus than I can really justify: I shall be pleased if it has awakened some of the interest which emanates from the subject. Let me in conclusion remind you of that wonderful verse in the Kâthaka Upanishad

    There is one eternal Thinker thinking non-eternal Thoughts. 71


    We children of the world of the twentieth century are inclined to reverse the saying of the sage, and say, “There are many non-eternal thinkers thinking eternal thoughts.“ Special intellectual and sentimental dispositions of distinct racial combinations, climatic and social surroundings, the specially crystallised forms of former religions, and specially the condition of positive science — upon which depends in the first place the mode of interchange between Nature and the Ego, — all this, and more besides, is the reason why the same notions are continually coming to light in new and redecorated shapes: and this very novelty is a matter of congratulation, for it is just that which gives colour to life; yet we must bear in mind that in the realm of thought, as in the realm of creation, that which may be called development, that which alone seemed of any value to a Hegel and a Darwin, is a mere superficial appearance, in a great measure the craze of short-lived men: the foundation is that which is eternal, steadfast, immovable. If you have
 
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grasped these remarks about the “eternal thoughts,“ not in the misleading simplification of everything that is merely thought, but with the rich many-sidedness of true perception which comprehends all that is complementary, contradictory and supralogical, — then you are in possession of the first elements out of which there results an understanding of our whole Indo-European philosophy from the Rig-Veda to the present day.
    And now that we have not only cleared the way for our work upon the difference between criticism and dogma, but have also travelled over a great part of the road, we may draw a line and proceed to the contrast between our two Heroes, the dogmatist Bruno and the critic Kant.
    You will, no doubt, have noticed that in this excursus upon the history of philosophy there are two great philosophers whom I have not named, Plato and Kant. It must not be supposed on that account that these thinkers could not with full confidence be included in our Scheme; but they stand on a higher stage of circumspection than all the other philosophers: in virtue of that they as it were grow outside the bounds of personality, and so instead of the usual human superficial portrait there arises a perfectly plastic, outstanding form, which we can see all round and view from various sides, and in various, symmetrical and yet essentially different aspects, — and that because these men themselves possessed the power to conquer the inborn preponderating influence of an intellectual capacity which tolerates only one direction, to break up the matrix in which every man is cast by nature, and so to set themselves free from their congealing surroundings. In this relation, that is to say in regard to personal intellectual freedom, Aristotle is just as great a falling off after Plato as Hegel is after Kant. The successors of such men as these, supposed to be carrying on and amplifying their work, have just the effect of

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veiling that which is incomparable in their personality, and so hide them from our eyes. All the material of life which we find in Aristotle as philosophical thinker is derived from Plato, — that is admitted by every competent historian: but the true Plato fades away under his hands; the same has taken place in Kant's case through Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, and — do not let your admiration blind you to the fact — through Schopenhauer; every one of them lays hold of the side view that suits him, and works it up to a new superficial portrait. It would be an easy matter, without more ado, to fit these superficial portraits into our scheme; but the man who recognises what is unique in these two men, Plato and Kant, who can absolutely only be compared with one another, will not be in too great a hurry to go to work. Kant, for instance, is at the same time mechanist and dynamist, atomist and organisist, 72 — not materially as in the case of the investigators of nature who directly place contradictory notions side by side (p. 393 seq.), but because all these conceptions in the presence of the highest order of critical deliberation lose their absolute significance. It needs, therefore, a more exact critical reflection to distinguish the physical capacity, so to speak, from the plastically many-sided conviction which is arrived at by the most deliberate freedom of judgment.
    In the interest of clearness I will say at once that Plato, as well as Kant, naturally belongs to the Goethe-Schopenhauer group, Thinking inwards, Seeing outwards, — yet it is only by degrees in the course of the exegeses which are to follow that you will understand exactly what is the meaning of this and of the premised remarks. With Plato we shall occupy ourselves in the next lecture; to-day we will hold fast to Bruno in order to arrive at an explanation, however cursory, of a difficult because fully plastic subject.
    Unfortunately at the outset prejudice again hinders

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our work of comparison: for we are wont to form a false conception of Bruno as well as of Kant. Bruno is, indeed, not the herald of a new science, the martyr of enlightenment, as he is usually represented, but rather is he through and through a schoolman: while Kant, far from being the abstruse philosophical professor dragging himself painfully over dialectic pinsheads to an incomprehensibly abstract “Thing in itself,“ is rather a man who is all perception, all observation, all investigator of nature, with the proviso that his Seeing is pre-eminently directed upon the Ego, his observation upon the dissection of the soul's life, his investigation upon the inner being of man. Bruno's philosophy indeed quite abstract; it knows nothing of the observation of nature, inner or outer, its arguments are exclusively dialectical: Kant's aim, on the contrary, is from the outset — to borrow a phrase often used by him — the setting free from “sophistry and super-sophistry.“ Bruno is the typical bookworm and schoolman, who has at his finger-ends all the authorities for and against every argument, and whose memory in quotation is so fabulous that his contemporaries looked upon it as magic, whereas Kant, on the contrary, seldom, and only in passing, names any philosopher. Of the dialecticians of Bruno's nature, Kant says, “the athletics of the learned are an art, which may in some ways be very useful, but which adds little to the advantage of truth“; 73 and when some one applied the word “dialectics“ to his Critique of Pure Reason, he answered indignantly, “and yet my critical endeavours are all directed to setting free and destroying for ever the inevitable dialectics with which pure reason, everywhere else carried out dogmatically, is caught and entangled in its own net.“ 74
    You see what contrasts face one another here. But there might be much more to be said yet. For the Bruno that you find everywhere, the Bruno whom our journalists

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of antichristian tendencies believe to be inspiring them, — the Bruno whom the apostles of progress hail as the “morning star of the religion of science,“ — the Bruno to whom a statue has been erected in Rome, and whom the Papists full of hatred would fain have called to life again for the sheer pleasure of burning him once more, and more thoroughly — that universally known, conventional Bruno has not much more than the name in common with the real man. And the other Bruno likewise, whom Eugen Dühring and his disciple Heinrich von Stein have given us, the man of phantasy and the poet, is rather the creature of their own phantasy and poetry than of an objective appreciation of the forerunner of Spinoza and Schelling. It is impossible for me to go more deeply into this; but if you wish to know Bruno's methods in philosophy, open his Latin writings where you will; or if that should seem too hard a task, see in his Italian writings, which are relatively less scholastic, the analysis of truth at the beginning of the second dialogue of the Spaccio della bestia trionfante. 75 After this test you will easily understand that for this man Logic must be the science of all sciences, in brief, the modus sciendi, and that there were only three educational subjects which floated before him as the ideals of culture — Grammar, for the concipere, Rhetoric, for the enuntiare, and Dialectics, for the argumentari. 76 But time presses, and of much that I would fain have said upon this subject I will briefly mention only one thing, because it belongs indirectly to our Theme. You must not imagine that Bruno's enthusiasm for the Copernican cosmology was the result of industrious astronomical observations, or in any way of a penetrating insight into truth, such as we admire in Leonardo who lived a hundred years before Bruno; the boundlessness of space belonged rather to the logical postulates of reason, which Bruno defended against Aristotle with arguments like the following: Since the

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human phantasy cannot conceive an end, nature must be boundless, otherwise it could not comprehend this phantasy! 77 and for that reason Copernicus is so passionately welcomed by Bruno, he is so true, so victorious because this postulate of reason, taken from the neo-Platonists, at once obtains a practical footing. For Galilei the achievement of Copernicus means the liberation of the intellect for the building up of a new system of mechanics and cosmology; for Bruno it means the materialising of an abstract thought, and at the same time the victory of the principle of the setting free of all form which he championed against the principle defended by Aristotle of form as organising everything.
    And now, as a complement to what has gone before, let me add to these few words about Bruno an equally hurried notice of Kant's relation to the wisdom of the schools.
    Kant's comparatively scant attention to the writings of the philosophers has already struck more than one enquirer. In the whole Critique of Pure Reason hardly twenty names are mentioned, and these for the most part cursorily. Only Plato, Hume, and Leibniz are once or twice noticed rather more at length: in the Critique of the Power of Judgment not ten Philosophers are alluded to, — and most of them only once in a single sentence. 78 It is, moreover, specially significant that Kant only refers to the most important thinkers of mankind, — the others he passes over. “The learned multitude knows nothing, understands nothing, but it talks of everything and prides itself on what it says“ — that is Kant's opinion. 79 Bruno, on the contrary, assures us that he loves the works of Thomas Aquinas “like his own soul,“ 80 he knows by heart every schoolman of ancient and modem times, and does not disdain to quote as authorities the muddiest apocryphal sources of mystical bogus philosophy and theological sophistry — an Apollonius, a

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Hermes Trismegistus, and gives up half his life to the Spanish mountebank and conjurer Ramon Lull who professed to arrive at knowledge by the help of revolving discs, and extols him as omniscium propemodumque divinum, omniscient and almost divine. Kant, however, tells us that he looks upon the voluminous elucubrations of the professional philosophers “with repugnance, with a certain hatred“ (Letters, 8, 4, 66); and his amanuensis for many years, Jachmann, reports that “Kant found everything in himself, and so lost the capacity for finding anything in others. At the very moment of the fullest ripeness and power of his intellect, when he was working up critical philosophy, nothing was more difficult to him than to think himself into the system of another. Even the writings of his adversaries he could only grasp with the utmost pains, because it was impossible to him even for a while to distract himself from his original system of thought.“ 81 Jachmann's commentary is a little shaky, but his ingenuous, honest testimony is all the more valuable. Kant was simply never at any time of his life able to take an interest in the peculiar philosophy of the schools. He who in his most advanced old age read every book of travels, he who followed all that concerned natural science with the most enthusiastic attention, — could only read the writings of his learned brother professors “with the utmost pains,“ and since, when every now and again he did take these “utmost pains,“ he still had not the power to find anything in these works, he preferred to leave them unread. There is no need to make any excuses for him. If there were a Kant to-day he would do the same. But we learn here how little justification there is for reckoning Kant straight away among the scholastic philosophers: it sets aside the whole picture of his intellectual personality. It is only the man who looks upon Kant from the right point of view, who can understand why to the end of his life he felt compelled to take the field against the professional

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philosophers who were already beginning to introduce their own vagaries into his critical philosophy, — against “the metaphysics of the schools which tear reason to tatters,“ and against the university professors whose chief business it is “industriously to convert the simplest thing in the world into the most difficult“: in opposition to all these fruitless subtleties, Kant maintains that his philosophy “can be understood from the standpoint of the common understanding,“ and only exacts that this common understanding shall “cultivate itself adequately“ to the business of Criticism. Kant looks upon the metaphysical analysis of our thought as a fundamental cultural exercise of the most universal importance, “indispensable to all future times for the highest aims of mankind,“ which means in contradistinction to its being regarded as mere abstruse, learned, professional discipline. 82 Hence his assertion that “the practical philosopher is the true philosopher“ (Logic, III) — hence the touching appeal in the middle of the Critique of Pure Reason to “those who have philosophy at heart, which is oftener said than met with“ (p. 376).
    What I have specified here upon the subject of Kant's relation to the schoolmen is at the same time a symptom of a more deeply ingrained peculiarity of his personality, namely of the stress which it laid upon the necessity of perception. Until a man has recognised this he knows nothing of Kant. On one occasion he talks of a drop of water and of its swarming life of minute creatures, and then goes on: “if from that I lift my eyes to heaven in order to see the immeasurable space teeming with worlds like grains of dust, no human speech can express the feeling which such a thought arouses, and all subtle metaphysical dissection is far removed from the sublimity and dignity which belongs to such a perception.“ 83 This sublimity and dignity of the perception is the scarlet clue which, threaded through his whole life-work, was the only thing

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which enabled him, — the only thing which enables us also — to find a safe path through the stifling world of thought. In the same way in the realm of practical philosophy, which, as I said just now, Kant had chiefly at heart, and in which his theoretical abstraction was often cast in his teeth, — with reckless vehemence by Schopenhauer for instance, — he teaches us that “Goodness has an irresistible power, when it is perceived.“ 84 Where Kant is very hard to understand is not really, as is the case with other philosophers, because the abstraction becomes two subtle for it to be possible to fasten any notion upon it, but, on the contrary, because though he sees with the utmost perspicacity (with that perspicacity to which I alluded in the first lecture) the relations of the human intellect, no means exist of communicating this perception except by a whole ponderous structure of abstraction piled upon abstraction. Hence the many repetitions which are characteristic of Kant's writings and often lead a beginner astray; for he thinks to himself, Here is something new, whereas Kant is for ever labouring to communicate the same perceptible knowledge by means of new thoughts and new words until we become familiar with it and see it, instead of merely thinking it. So far as I am aware, no teacher of philosophy has called attention to this fundamental fact which is so conclusive for the apprehension of Kant's style. Every man who has had the advantage of a certain technical training can understand purely logical combinations of thought, and can, if he so desires, himself explain them; but the previous lecture will have shown you how monstrously difficult it is to communicate a conviction arrived at by the loftiest power of conception, — that the elementary conceptions of understanding, the primitive forms of all judgment, can only be distinguished from the side of perception, but are incapable of being defined by words — and for the very reason that they are

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themselves the primitive conceptions (p. 295). Equally difficult is the communication of Kant's conception of freedom. Here the direct inner experience of every individual must be revealed in connection with the inexorable all-uniting sum-total of Nature; but the language of logic fails, for such an insight oversteps the boundaries of its competence. So it is with the “Thing in itself,“ with the ideality of time and space, with the representation of God as “the regulating principle of reason,“ and so forth. This is no mystical enlightenment, no “intellectual perception,“ as Hegel calls it, no “supersensual perception,“ as Schilling says. Kant loathes all such conceptions. “I ask for your opinion, but as far as possible in human language. For I, poor son of earth, am in no way organised for the divine language of perceptive reason. That which may be spelt out for me according to the rules of logic out of common conceptions, that is well within my reach.“ So wrote Kant to Hamann (6. 4. 1774). Far rather, as I have said, does the difficulty lie in the fact that our words in the first place refer to conceptions, and that conceptions can only indirectly awaken perceptions. A whole book upon the colour white and its properties does not tell me what white is: in order to experience it I must open my eyes and look upon white: that is the example which Descartes uses: it is the same with the facts which Kant saw in the inner man; until we have seen them ourselves it is not only difficult but impossible to understand Kant. So it follows that whoever has only grasped the word, not the perception, in Kant, — only the logical structure without the facts which led to it, — has gained little or nothing. 85 You, gentlemen, will in future know exactly what it means when of those who wish to work at philosophy, as a foundation, Kant requires not in the first place logical and dialectical studies nor historical knowledge, but “exercises in the judgment of experience,“ and “attention to the compared sensa-

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tions of the senses,“ in other words, a schooling in Seeing inwards and outwards. 86 And you will understand why Kant warns us against the “teaching of the philosophers“ and against “definitions which are so often misleading,“ whereas “the true method of metaphysics is in principle one and the same with that which Newton introduced into natural science,“ that is to say, the method of “sure experiences,“ which here certainly means “inner experience,“ yet none the less experience “directly visible to the eyes.“ 87 I also think that you will now begin to understand why we may, and indeed must, say of this man that his Seeing, like that of Aristotle, Descartes, and Goethe, was directed outwards and not inwards; while his Thinking was directed entirely inwards, and so overwhelmingly, so intricately complicated, that his physical eyes had little power left to look out upon the world. Even in the darkest depths of the inner man what he saw was everywhere organisation. You will also understand what is meant when Kant in a posthumous fragment asserts, “I am myself by inclination an investigator,“ 88 and when he writes to the anatomist Sömmerring, and says, that just as Sömmerring busies himself with the dissection of what is visible in man, so he, Kant, busies himself with the dissection of what is invisible in man. It is certainly important for the knowledge of Kant's personality to remember that of Kant's sixty-five works, almost one-half, namely twenty-nine, have no philosophical purport, and that in the period of his progressive development up to his fortieth year, he only published six works dealing with metaphysical subjects, as against thirteen upon physics, mathematics, geognosis, meteorology, astronomy and anthropology. Here you have the diametrical opposite to Bruno, in whom the most glorious of all objects of perception, the boundless heaven of stars, only serves for a logically dialectical system of thoughts, whereas in

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Kant it is the thoughts themselves that rest upon perception, and for that very reason struggle painfully for conceptive expression. 89
    With this is connected Kant's strict delimitation of the significance of his logic. Bruno, as you have already heard, held it to be the science of all sciences, the true fountain-head of recognition. His ideal of absolute recognition is that which reason, purified of all contact with the world of sense (intellectus purus), perceives by mere introspection, that is looking into itself, omnia in se ipso videndo, whereas it sees nothing outside of itself (non extra se speculando). 90 And if he ascribes such a fully pure recognition to God alone, that has no great significance, since in principle Bruno recognises only one all-embracing monad into which every intelligence crosses over by stages, and so is essentially related to it. 91 Thus it comes to pass that in the end the definition of truth is “the law of intelligence reflected in things,“ veritas est ipsa lex intelligentiae observata in rebus. 92 The same principle emboldened Hegel to utter the monstrous definition, “Logic is the science of God.“ As against this Kant has shown once for all that logic is only a formal science, touching those combinations of conceptions which, in the previous lecture, have been shown as a necessary function of the human intellect. “But,“ as he says, “since the mere form of recognition, however much it may agree with logical laws, is still far from adequate on that account to determine the material (objective) truth of recognition, it follows that no one can dare to form judgments upon subjects with the help of logic alone, or to assert anything without having previously made fundamental enquiries outside of logic, in order afterwards to attempt their utilisation and combination in a consistent whole according to the laws of logic.“ To take a practical perceptible image. With the help of crucibles, hammers and files

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man can at will manufacture for himself golden ornaments; but the gold itself is produced outside in nature, and is brought to the light of day with axe and spade. And so Kant goes on to write, “now we may take it as a sure and useful warning: that universal logic looked upon as organon is always a logic of appearances (dialectic). For since it teaches us nothing about the contents of recognition, but only the formal conditions of agreement with the understanding, which moreover are quite immaterial in view of the objects; so the demand to use them as our tools in order to widen and extend our knowledge, at any rate so far as profession is concerned, can end in nothing but idle chatter in order to assert or to attack whatever we please with a certain show.“
    You see how clearly and sharply Kant distinguishes himself from all the schoolmen, from all the rationalists in the true sense of the word, from Socrates, Bruno, Hegel, how differently from these men he sees and judges the importance and limitations of human reason. Never again will you be led on account of a certain apparent similarity of language to associate him with those philosophers from whom he really differs entirely in his whole manner of Seeing, his principles, his methods and his aim.
    I have said thus much as a preliminary orientation of Kant's position as contrasted with that of Bruno, in order to arrive at a more correct view of it than that which commonly obtains. We will now take a cursory view of Bruno's philosophy in its principal outlines in order to reach a further stage in our knowledge of Kant's personality.
    We must not believe that Bruno was a specially inventive genius. Almost all his doctrines were taken directly from the German Nikolaus Krebs of Kues on the Moselle, better known under the romanised name of Cardinal Cusa, amongst them those of the boundlessness

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of space and the numberless inhabited worlds, as well as the other doctrine of the finality of divisibility — the atoms, and that of the philosophical significance of numbers, of the stage ladder of things and beings, of the identity of contradictions, of complication (for thought) and explication (for matter) * and so forth. Even that perception which is the most original of all his notions, the doctrine of monads, is an old possession of the neo-Platonists, and the very saying that God is “the monad of monads“ (monadum monas) occurs in Synesius of Cyrene a thousand years before Bruno. 93
    At bottom the philosophy of Bruno is simple, grievously simple; there is one single thought which ever and again arises on all sides, that of the pantheism. We might, indeed — at least if we desired to borrow logical consistency from the Panlogicians — make no distinction between Nature and the Ego, and between both those and God. I have already quoted the saying that “Nature is God in Things“; in the same way the Ego is fused with God and with Nature; as God is the Nature of Nature, so he is also the Ego of the Ego, “the Soul of Souls, the Life of Lives; more intimate, nearer, more closely related to us than we can be to ourselves“; and is it not the last conclusion of wisdom that there is “only one Being, one single and identical Thing“? 94 What we could distinguish as God, world, and Ego, is only a species of motion or pulsation inside the one universal spirit; from God down to Nature and to the Ego, ascending again from the Ego to God through Nature. Influit Deus per naturam in rationem; ratio attollitur per naturam in Deum. 95 In strictness we ought to say that there is only one unity without distinction; we might call the Divinity absolute unity without any sort of formation, unitá

    * Terms for which Cardinal Cusa is responsible. The idea is that thought arises from folding down and inwardly — matter arises more and more from unfolding.

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assoluta senza spezie alchuna; but we may leave out the conception “God,“ and say Nature is the All, and is its own creator — natura ipsa est fabrifactor (De. imm. viii. 10, 11); or again we need speak of neither God nor of Nature, but only accept the immovable boundlessness of the universe — infinito immobile — in which there are no distinctions, where the mathematical point is the same as the whole body, the centre the same as the circle, the limited the same as the unlimited, the great as the small, the whole as the part, light as darkness, hatred as love, the formless as that which has form; here then there exists no difference between a man and an ant, between an ant and the sun; the soul of a flower, of an oyster, of a fly, of a man, are of a similar entity in species and genus. 96 In this God-Cosmos-Ego, the boundary is at the same time no boundary, form no form, matter no matter, soul no soul, and even error is “latent truth“; for everything is at once everything, without distinction, since everything is only one single unity; 97 here one name is sufficient to comprise everything; here there is only one reason which thinks, only one will which desires. 98 Contradictions viewed from this standpoint there are none, they are rather fused together like twins: quae in se ipsis diversa sunt atque contraria in ipso simplicissimo principio sunt unum et idem; 99 indeed, all things are made up of apparent contradictions, tutte le cose constano de contrarii; 100 but for the man who is gifted with recognition distinctions are wiped out, they coalesce in the coincidentia oppositorum. If the One Undifferentiated unfolds itself as it were, then there arises the All with its unnumbered creations; if the All folds itself together, then the Undifferentiated One arises once more. 101 Thus the birth of a thing is the expansion of a centre which is imperceptible and only to be grasped by our thoughts; its existence is the lasting duration of the sphere so born; its death is its shrinking together to the original centre. 102

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    One remark in passing. This doctrine of the Universal Unity is as old as the Indo-European race, and therefore really worthy of respect. But it is only to be found in perfect purity, and therefore also really intelligible and sympathetic, among the Brahmans, — less satisfying and yet always beautiful, sometimes even enchanting, — among our European mystics. In order to be capable of acceptation it needs must stand upon a religious foundation: the religious myth then surrounds it with images, and the moral aim of a practical union of man with God lends it an august dignity. Where, on the contrary, — as to a certain extent in Plotinus, and more outspokenly in Bruno, — it presents itself not supralogically, but rationalistically, not as a suggestion but as argument, — where it aims not at the intensive raising of the individual, but at the irrefutable dialectical proof of empirical truths, — there the doctrine of the universal unity becomes frankly intolerable. For the sake of a miserable logical trick it annihilates form, personality, analytical science. That such things should again be stirring among us, befooling weak brains, is very lamentable. In religion mysticism is indispensable, for it is through mysticism that the myth first becomes living experience: in philosophy it is poison.
    Without going any further into principles, I may here call attention to the fact that the weakest point in Bruno's philosophy is the scanty stress which he lays upon the Ego. For it is only from the point of view of absolute subjectivity that the doctrine of Universal Unity possesses any real justification. The Brahmans taught that “there is no possible proof of the existence of a dualism, and the Atman (the self) devoid of all dualism is alone capable of proof,“ 103 and even the man who takes his stand upon the flattest empirical science is not in a position compulsively to prove the contrary. But upon this there follows at once, “Here, in the depths of the

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heart, lies the Lord of the universe,“ and “our soul is this world.“ 104 God and the world united in the Ego and overflowing the one into the other: that is a consistent standpoint, and inasmuch as it rests upon secure facts, even though they should be grasped one-sidedly, it is rich in results. Whereas when definition and argument put God and nature on a level, only dragging in the Ego in an inferior character as “reason“ or “thinking substance,“ as of a wavering essence which everywhere stands in the way, and of which therefore the less said the better, the perception is obviously one whose roots do not go very deep; for whence do all these arguments come if not from the Ego? Bruno stands precisely where the priests stand: but the latter have dogma for their foundation and practical reliability as their aim, whereas the man who goes to work in the same way in a subjectively-rationistic manner, but who replaces the dogma of faith by the dogma of reason, and takes for his aim the recognition of absolute truth, is hovering in mid-air. In the one case, that of the true mystics, we have an experience that has been lived, in the other case, that of the dialecticians, a cobweb of the brain. The Deus sive natura, brought forward by Bruno and geometrically described by Spinoza, is a phantom of the conception, an artifice of the schoolmen welded together out of superstition and the “logic of pretence,“ as Kant calls it. God is not to be seen in nature, nor can He be demonstrated from her; only the man who carries Him in his heart will also be able to track Him in the outer World. Our deep-thinking German mystics knew this and said, “Whoso wishes to perceive God must be blind.“ 105 But in truth Bruno's God is seen neither in nature nor in the heart; this monad of monads from which “proceeds that other monad which is called Nature,“ is a mere abstract thought. 106 All attempts to sing his praises as Ens, Unum, Verum, Fatum, Ratio, Ordo, and as the foundation

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of all things which we in the first place hold to be the creations of nature, are of little consequence. 107 The God of the true mystics, on the other hand, springs out of direct experience, and the God of Descartes who Saw outwards was just as much a dialectical artifice as Bruno's, but obtained by deliberation and with the intention to enlist this conception in the service of empirical investigation, so that here, if ever, we have the right to say “the end justifies the means.“ 108
    Here I must set a limit to these short remarks. I am no more able to do justice to Bruno's complex of thoughts than I was to develop the philosophy of Descartes; I must be content if you are able to grasp clearly and correctly the method and way in which this man looked inwards and outwards upon the world and upon himself.
    But our aim for the moment requires that I should once more call your attention to the two main pillars of Brunonian thought which together with the universal unity of the divine nature carry the whole structure: a tendency to boundlessness upwards, a tendency to strict limitation downwards (pp. 364-378); these at last complete the picture and bring clearly into view the contrasted method of perception in Kant. There is no need to repeat what has already been said upon the point, I refer you to it and will only ask you to observe how here again, as in the representation of God and the world, it is scholastic and theological conceptions, not perceptions, that are decisive. God must of necessity be infinite, because the conception of Him excludes every limitation: Io dico Dio tutto infinito perche da se esclude ogni termine. But since God is infinite so too must the world be infinite, for it would be unworthy of a Divine power to create a finite world: Io stimavo cosa indegna della divina bontá e possentia che possendo produr oltra questo mondo un altri e altri infiniti, producesse un mondo finito (Berti, p. 353). These are purely theological

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arguments, which are only forcible when the God whose existence they prove has already been assumed. Those arguments, on the contrary, by means of which limitation downwards, that is to say, the conception of the Atom, is irrefutably set forth, are scholastically dialectical. Above all it is the Pythagorean symbolism of numbers which turns the scale: “Unity is the substance of numbers,“ that is to say, that out of which numbers arise and of which they consist, and therefore “unity is at the same time the essence of all things“: Unitas est substantia numeri et essentia omnis. But unit signifies the lowest of all numbers, and what we in calculating call unit that, as Bruno argues, we may call in matter a least measure or minimum, so that just as we may call the arithmetical unit numeri substantia so we may regard the material unit, the Atom, as rerum substantia, as the essence of things. 109 In the Spaccio Bruno uses a charmingly popular expression: le cose grandi son composte de le picciole e le picciole de le picciolissime e queste de gl' individui e minimi. If divisibility were not to come to an end there would be just as much illimitedness downwards as upwards: si minimum non subsistit nihi il subsistat oportet. Without limited, indivisible, minimum-unities there could be no world. Here the argument is purely dialectical, and therefore it is far more powerful than the first, and Bruno himself confesses that it would be easier for him to give up the infiniteness of the world than the finiteness of the atoms: potius ratio et natura potest absolvere minimum a maximo quam maximum a minimo. 110
    So the dogmatic Infinite and the dogmatic Finite join hands, and once more it is the Ego, the first great fact of all recognition, which comes off second best, or rather remains altogether ignored, penned in between animated atoms, called monads, and a soul of the world, l'intelletto universale, l'anima del mondo. And in order to rivet into

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a unit this perception which consists of two antagonistic parts, there happens once more what occurred in the case of God and nature: Bruno declares right out: the maximum and the minimum are identical, il massimo e il minimo convegnono in uno essere and maximum nihil est aliud quam minimum. The following attempt at a logical deduction from the proposition that the minimum and the unlimited maximum are equal to one another is worth bringing forward as a specimen of the method of thought of such men, “The power of all bodies is perfected in the sphere, the power of the sphere is rooted in the circle, the power of the circle in its centre. It follows that the power of all visible things rests in the invisible. A minimum in multitude is a maximum in power, just as the power of the whole fire springs out of the power of the single spark. So it follows that all power rests in the minimum even though it should be hidden to the eyes of all, even of the sages, perhaps even of the gods: thus the minimum itself is the maximum of all things.“ 111
    Clearly Kant was right when he said that Logic used as an organon, that is as an instrument for acquiring new knowledge, has for its object the power of asserting anything in the world with a certain amount of plausibility. But it is equally evident how powerful those inborn tendencies of the particular individual, of which we treated in the excursus, are in leading it naturally and of necessity into fixed grooves. We have no freedom in the choice of the myths which appeal to us. Thinking inwards leads to Monism, to the Universal Unit, and at the same time to the uprooting of all boundaries, that is to say, to the Infinite; Seeing inwards leads, whether we will or not, to Atomism, to the acceptation of indivisible minima. The man who, like Bruno, binds the two things together by sheer force, and is not frightened to say minimum est maximum, the limited is unlimited, gives proof there of a great power of inner truthfulness:

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such an intellect was worthy of being brought to the stake. At the same time you will, I think, henceforth understand Kant's saying, “the doctrine of atoms is in itself a contradiction.“ 112
    We have now gathered together all that we need in order rapidly, easily, and surely to understand Kant's method of perception as compared with that of Bruno.
    That which characterises Kant's manner of looking into the inner mysteries of man may be summed up in a single word — criticism. Still, it is necessary to know exactly what is to be understood here by criticism; for the word is used in two different senses: “I do not mean by this a criticism of books and systems, but that of the power of reason in general,“ — so writes Kant in the beginning of the preface to the first edition of his Critique of Pure Reason. The difference is the same as that between the criticism of a historical work, and the so-called “historical criticism“ of the matter on which the book is founded; in the one case it is the exposition of a given author, his opinions, his conceptions, his deductions which are judged and censored, in the other it is the proofs themselves upon which all the expositions, however they may differ from one another, depend, — inscriptions, books, letters, state documents, etc., which are tested for their origin, their importance, their reliability, and their value. It is in the latter sense that Kant understands the word Criticism. It is a test, not of the opinions about reason, or in any way of the doctrines to which reason has given rise, it is not a test of the opinions on experience, on the power of judgment, on morals, etc., — but it is a test of the inmost soul of man by direct dissection and observation, exactly as the surgeon with scalpel investigates the condition of the inner body. In an often-quoted passage, Kant writes, “The first step in matters of pure reason, which shows how it is still in its childhood, is dogmatic. The second ...

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step is sceptical and testifies to the prudence of the power of judgment sharpened by experience. But there is yet a third step necessary which only occurs in the ripened and manly power of judgment, namely the appreciation not of the facta of reason, but of reason itself according to its full power, which is not censure but criticism of reason.“
    I am very anxious that you should arrive at an abso
lutely precise understanding of this critical faculty and method, for Kant is besides Plato the only critical philosopher of all times: how then could you do justice to his individual personality unless this most special feature were clearly before your eyes? With this intent I must now make use of an image which will gradually lead you to a systematic recognition. In this connection I am haunted by an unforgettable recollection of my youth, which dates from the time when I first heard Kant's name: it will help us to produce a plastic representation.
    Let us suppose a man born in the deeply cut valleys of
the Maritime Alps, and that an ordinance of fate should have so locked him and his countrymen to the neighbourhood, that no inhabitant should have succeeded in making his way out to the shores of the Mediterranean. You must know that the mountains are so extended in échelon that one needs to climb very high — up to the perpetual snow of the highest peaks, before one can see the sea. That man asks himself, as so many before him and around him have done, whence comes the water which the clouds give off upon the mountains in such inexhaustible measure that even during the long, dry, hot summer the brook incessantly rushes down to the valley bringing coolness from snow and ice? Among the dwellers in the valley all sorts of theories are current. The pastor teaches that God in his mercy is for ever creating new rain clouds, — especially if his flock are diligent in their attendance at church. The apothecary has made up a highly complicated scientific theory of a

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catalytic combination of oxygen and hydrogen in the low pressure of the highest regions of the air under the influence of the sun's rays. The schoolmaster is busy hunting up explanations in the classical authors, but as he has never seen the sea, he understands the ocean in the old sense of the okeanos potamos, a river with side streams, and so gets entangled in a feud about suffixes with the pedagogue of the neighbouring village, in which feud both lose sight of the original problem. The village philosopher's doctrine is that every investigation of the question remains barbarously empirical and objectless, so long as it is not determined whether water is to be regarded as substance, — hypokeimenon — or as attribute symbebekos, which, however, assumes the solution of the first question whether substance is really an ens per se subsistens, or a mere foetus imaginationis. Meanwhile our friend actively climbs uphill, is undaunted by failures and fatigue, and at last, thanks to his practice in mountaineering, reaches close to the highest peak. Not more than two or three had got so far before him; but these few, keenly absorbed in their search after causes which seemed plausible to them, had clung to the rocks and tried to shovel away the snow in order to see what lay underneath. They thought that if they found a spring breaking out of the rocks everything would be explained. They were mere empirics. But he thinks otherwise, and when he has climbed as high as his strength will carry him he turns round. He turns his back to the brook and the glacier and looks over the successions of écheloned mountains, and there, further than he had ever allowed his thoughts to range, there in all its glory, there in the golden reflection of the midday sun, lies the immeasurable sea. He sees the rivers hurrying to it from all sides, and he sees the mist rising from its waves, consolidated into clouds, and flying with the evening breeze to the mountains.
    That is something like the position of Kant amongst us

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thinking men. And even if every one of my images should be failures, this one is quite in tune, and I should like to impress it permanently upon you in this way: in Kant the one essential point is a turning round as it were on the pivot of the intellect, so that the mind looks in a new and opposite direction, and so obtains a sight of that which was up to that time unsuspected. The man who climbs just as high and does not turn round will never have a share in the revelation of a fully new fact: but the man who turns round before he has reached a certain height which will make him competent to enter upon intellectual deliberation, will find himself disappointed: for he will see no more on the height than he did in the valley. Mark this too! no dialectical art, were it never so subtle, and no power of phantasy, could have discovered the sea, whereas without logic and without phantasy it is seen at once if the man only understands the right standpoint from which it of itself strikes the eye. Kant is a discoverer, just as Columbus was, or like his own favourite Captain Cook. And it is absurd to believe that what this unheard-of and unique critical power of perception discovered and revealed, could be discredited by any given man, simply because he is not competent, and has not made himself competent, to see it, Our friend who saw the sea with his eyes will hardly be convinced by the professor in the valley that it does not exist; it is in this sense that you must understand Kant when he says of his critical results, “In this case there is no danger of being refuted, the danger is of not being understood“ (R.V. xliii).
    The picture which I have set before you not only gives an expression easily understood to the fact itself, but also to the result of the Kantian method of Criticism. For there is no more important result of these discoveries than that of the strict and relatively narrow limitation of the competency of our reason, — that limitation which

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was cursorily indicated in a former lecture as a double wall. Once our mountaineer sees the ocean, he has before him the whole circulation of the water, and the whole horizon of his knowledge of this subject is effectively widened and yet once for all ideally confined within limits. So long as he was unaware of this circulation, this giving and taking, this motion hither and thither between close boundaries, there were no limits set to his philosophical and mythological phantasy, the tendency of which was necessarily to lose itself backwards as well as forwards in the infinite; whence should that inexhaustible supply of water come? whither should it go? Now at one stroke the whole problem is solved, or rather shown to be non-existent. The water was returning whence it came, and came from whither it went; it did not spring from the hidden bowels of the earth, nor did it flow into boundless space. At the same time, however, there was an end of all hope of an absolute “explanation“ such as had flitted before the minds of the simple folk. Of course it was always possible to ask with the old philosophers, whether water was attribute or substance, and whether the substance was an ens per se subsistens, or a foetus imaginationis; but this dialectical consideration had ceased to bear any relation to the water problem, and was unmasked as a matter of pure metaphysical speculation. It was now possible to be concerned with the investigation of the details and the utilisation of the circulation which had been discovered: the ideas of the pastor and the apothecary and the schoolmaster and the others, whoever they might be, were all swept away: they were henceforth not only idle but demonstrably false.
    One more picture by way of amplification.
    Four centuries ago there were no boundaries to our planet earth. Each man was free to imagine it according to his own pleasure. Above it in Heaven was the place

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of the blest, below it in Hell was the place for the damned, — room for all. Then came Columbus and his followers, and it turned out that the earth was a sphere measured through in all directions, upon which if a man sailed on westward he came back to his starting-point from the east, a prison from which there was no escape. Magellan's men had even feared that they were reaching the rim of the world and would topple over; now every one knew that we, at any rate so long as this life lasts, are chained to our dust-speck of a planet, and that every fall means falling back upon the earth. And then came Copernicus, and robbed us of all space for our dreams; for God who is in Heaven there was no place left, no place for the eternal fires of Hell — indeed, as soon as space became recognised as boundless there was no Above and no Below, no Here and no There. The service rendered to human thought by Kant's Critique of Pure Reason is throughout analogous. It sets free and at the same time imposes limits. “The age is no longer to be held back by sham knowledge.“ So Kant sets out upon his voyage of discovery; his aim is to achieve true knowledge instead of sham: the result is, however, that our reason, like our earth, is represented as a sphere moving freely, limited all round, and by itself. Here too there is no “rim“ from which a man can reach a space beyond, either upwards or downwards; rather does every road over which our thoughts travel only lead in a circle on this small Sphere of Reason: it is only upon the ocean of experience that we can circumnavigate it, and if we boldly press further and further ahead, we once more come back to the place whence we started. Earth-born we are, and to earth confined. That is why our reason as Kant says, “can never go beyond the field of possible experience,“ and can never undertake to escape from this domain which has been assigned to it, because beyond it there is “nothing for us but empty space.“ 113

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    Thus hand in hand with the Copernican expansion goes the Copernican limitation. Since we are confined to experience, all those doctrines which attempt to fly over it fall at once and for all time. So, for instance, Kant annihilates all so-called “proofs“ of the existence of God down to their deepest roots; God is a practical postulate, something which we believe, not something which we can know or in any way imagine. And on the other hand, in opposition to the many dogmas of natural science, which, as I showed in my first and second lectures, outstep experience in every end and corner, Kant shows that every doctrine of bodies ends with emptiness, and therefore with that which is unintelligible, and that there is therefore nothing left for reason in this domain, “but instead of investigating the utmost bounds of things, to investigate and fix the utmost bounds of its own unaided power, left to itself with no help from outside.“ As for what concerns the sophists after the manner of Bruno, and to be just, of all the school-philosophers from Aristotle to Hegel, — how they take the field against one another with their armies of definitions and syllogisms, and prove with keenest precision either that God is identical with nature or else is essentially different from nature, that there are atoms or that there are no atoms, that the world must be infinite or of necessity finite, and so forth, Kant pronounces judgment from the standpoint of criticism; “There is thus in reality no room for polemics in the field of pure reason. Both sides are flogging the air, puffing themselves out with their own shadows: for they go beyond nature, in which there is nothing for them to lay hold of: they may fight as they will: the shadows which they cut down grow together again in a moment like the heroes in Valhalla, in order to be able to make merry again in bloodless contests.“ 114
    I think you must see clearly what it is that differentiates the view which Kant's eye takes of the world from the

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view of the typical schoolman and fanatic of reason, Bruno. The one fathers criticism, the other dogmatism. The fact that Kant soared higher with his thoughts than Bruno, would only constitute a relative difference; but the fact that he possessed that higher discretion of which I spoke at the beginning of this section, and which I tried in our parallel to illustrate as a turning round of a man's self, forms a fundamental difference. Here he becomes something more than a philosopher, he becomes a scientific discoverer; his view has brought to all the more gifted of mankind a revelation the result of which is a totally new comprehension of human life and of human ideals.
    But we must take a further step before we make an end of this lecture. What I said a while ago about Bruno's conception of the Ego, Nature and God, together with the previous reflections upon mythology and Hellenic philosophy, and all this in relation to our former lectures, allows us now to obtain a deeper and more exact insight into the personality of Kant. You know how I am tied down: I cannot take Kant's philosophy as known, nor can I work with scholastic conceptions. That is why my characterisation of Kant's critical method has penetrated so little into detail, remaining little more than an illustration of an intellectual attitude; a closer inspection of Kant's method must be reserved for the last lecture. Still, I think that we have now sufficient material to take a bold plunge into the deepest water without any fear of being drowned in pure abstractions — we shall be buoyed up by many concrete notions.
    Kant attaches great weight to the fact that he “not only suspects, but has proved“ the impossibility of knowing anything outside of experience. Do you know how it became possible to add cogency to this proof? Through the criticism of experience itself, through the proof that our experience is composed of various recipro-

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cally conditioning parts, so that neither that which we perceive as the “World“ nor that which we think of as “Ego“ is of itself simple, and thus perception blocks up thought, and thought blocks up perception, each preventing the other from seeing out into that which lies beyond our limited human experience. The dogmatist has no suspicion of this. If I leave the contemplation of the starry heavens with Anaxagoras in order to deduce that it is God who sets them in motion, then, through the intermediary of a mere inference of thought, I leave something perceived in nature to arrive at something which is impossible of perception. Precisely the same is the case with the God of Aristotle and his fifty-five heavenly spirits or aims: the painfully exact observation of empirical facts is fundamental, but the thinker strides out over these facts from one logical inference to another until its want of consistency and conclusion is satisfied. A Bruno, who must serve us as the type of the whole second army of thinkers from Yâdjnavalkya to Schopenhauer, sets to work in a different way, for whilst Anaxagoras and Aristotle stride outwards on the path of perception, and take God as at most the mechanical author of all motion, Bruno, on the contrary, at once works inwards on the path of thought, and finds God as the very inmost conception in all things, setting them in motion from this “inmost“ and not from outside. Da noi si chiama artefice interno perche forma la materia e la figura da dentro, “we call him the builder from inside because he forms matter and form from within outwards.“ Motor ab internis is God. 115 In the same way the Indians called God the inner director. Here the world does not become intelligible until we see God at work; in the other case God was deduced from the conception of the world. You no doubt observe that in these two opposite methods of thought, with the direction outwards and the direction inwards, and the two divine myths which

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result from them, God in the outermost, God in the inmost, there is one fundamental acceptation common to both. Both put in the foremost place that identity of thinking and being, or thinking and seeing, of which I spoke at the beginning of my lecture, and which I recognised as the fundamental myth of all philosophising: for if this identity did not exist these thinkers would have had no right upon the path of mere logical consideration to arrive at the conclusion of the invisible from the visible, from the perception of motions to the necessity of a moving power. And it is this common foundation of all different doctrines which Kant lays in ruins by his criticism of experience, and of which Plato, full of prescience, two thousand years earlier, but without being understood, had exposed the untenability. Kant's criticism proves that our Thinking and our Seeing are so interdependent and interwoven that neither dare take a single step without the other. “Understanding and sensibility can only determine subjects in us (mankind) when they are in combination.“ If we separate them, we have perceptions without conceptions, or conceptions without perceptions; but in either case notions that we can refer to no fixed subject. Between the canopy of heaven and the invisible God whom we believe to have created it and to cause it to move in circles, there lies only a chain of thoughts without any perceptible foundation; between the Atman-Pneuma-Soul in my living consciousness and God, both living in all things and inspiring them with souls, there lies a mere analogy of the material of perception, an aërial rainbow-bridge, leading from the known across to the unknown: both are equally inadmissible, reason dupes itself. For thinking outside the domain of experience marked out by perception (like God “over the canopy of heaven“) is mere “toying with notions“ (R.V. 195), and the pretended perception of something which cannot be perceived (as for instance of

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the inner Deity) is a fiction surpassing all imagination, — a “mere freak.“ The critic will not allow what both the monist and the dualist have the impertinence to do, — the splitting up of that complex whole upon which our experience depends, — the Ego-Nature or the Nature-Ego, call it what you will, — and so where the one part cannot co-operate permit the other to be pressed forward alone. Thoughts, even when they are born of the Ego, only depend upon perceptions in nature, perceptions which even when they are borrowed from nature have no existence unless they are intelligibly accessible to the Ego. In contradistinction therefore to the assumption of two absolutely separate, but therefore absolutely equally valuable component parts, — Thinking and Seeing, the Ego and the World, — the critic points out that both parts are organically interdependent, something in the same way as the nervous system and the heart: without the functions of the nerves there can be no action of the heart, without heart-action no function of the nerves — so that it is impossible to advance a single step with the one without the other. It is thus that the primeval myth of all mythology and of all pre-critical philosophy falls to the ground.
    Do you observe how there lies before us here a second relation of reciprocal conditioning and being conditioned, directed more inwards? Without given, immutable, forms of Thinking and Seeing from which there is no escape, there can be no possible experience of empirical things; on the other side, however, without empirical experience, and that means without any “matter for recognition by the senses,“ — without something given outside of the perceiving Ego, no Seeing, and without empirical perception no Thinking and therefore again no experience. Each of the two parts is at the same time conditioned and conditioning; and since that is so I as man can never attain to anything which is indepen-

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dent or free from condition or absolute: there is no possibility of reaching a place of vantage in that direction. It is impossible for me ever to comprehend the Thing, purely as such, and stripped of all forms of human perception and thought; for that which I conceive as Thing is through and through amalgamated with an inseparable alloy out of my own inner self; so much so that if I try to brush away all that is subjective (the impressions of the senses and the categories of thoughts), I end by reaching not the notion of a Thing, but a mere abstract conception, the conception of substance, the shadow of a shadow thought, and even that I must abandon because it is after all only an indispensable formal conception, not a true perception. I fare no better when I try to grasp the Ego purely as such with its inborn laws of Seeing and Thinking; for it is so thoroughly real — the form of sensibility, all the possible series of thoughts, time as the intermediary between both, — this whole complicated intellectual organisation is so exclusively coined upon objects of concrete experience, that when I try to remove all that is corporeal, and to reflect upon my mere Ego-consciousness, I at last reach not a thought, but a bare, poverty-stricken because entirely empty, perception, without comprehension and without ideas. 116 Here the result is a double insight. First, “if I remove the thinking subject, the whole corporeal world must collapse“; secondly, “if I remove the corporeal world perceived by the senses, the thinking Ego fades away.“ Nothing can prevent me from distinguishing analytically my own Thinking and my own Seeing as two different functions of my power of recognition, just as I distinguish between heart and brain; but I am not in a position even in thought to isolate a pure Ego, freed from all empiricism, from a pure, entirely objective, corporeal world, for in that case there would remain mere phantoms, empty words without sense. And of course you already under-

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stand that this single examination suffices to expose as “freaks,“ as Kant says, all the philosophies which nevertheless found their structures upon this separation, or, as we would rather say, as interesting but violent mythologies. For whether I try in common with the thinkers of the Bruno group to consume the corporeal world by the Ego-world, giving a soul to everything, denying all individuality, annihilating all form, till I can say with Plotinus, “Nature is Soul,“ and with Bruno, “it is a single divine Monad“; or whether like Democritus I win over the Ego-world to the corporeal world, and declare with Kapila “I am not“; or whether with Aristotle I undertake to separate the two entirely from one another — on the one side, the Nous-creator related to the Ego, on the other, the corporeal world related to my body, 117 — I know all the same that in every one of these attempts I am undertaking an impossibility, for every one of them presumes an archimedean point which in reality does not exist. It is with Kant that at last man becomes conscious that he has all along been a mere creator of myths. Kant's critical work is the Copernican turning-point in the history of our intellectual life.
    But with this not only does the more or less consciously dreamed philosophic myth collapse, but also the entirely unconscious presumption of our daily life, the unsophisticated prime dogma of all dogmas, that our perceptions correspond to things. According to Kant's view, which I have just set forth, Thinking and Perception behave far more like two mirrors set the one over against the other, from which each throws back the pictures to the other from which it has received them and neither can see whether the picture which is formed in it, which it can only see in the other mirror, exactly corresponds to an externally present concrete object. This recognition, which we are able to maintain proceeds from Kant's method of viewing the world, has been summed up by

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the Sage into one word, the meaning of which must be clear and familiar to you, — the word Erscheinung, phenomenon. It is only when this word has acquired a living meaning for you that you can know exactly how Kant's eye viewed the world. I should like to sum up in a formula what is to be said about this.
    What in our everyday life we call Things are phenomena. What we suspect behind the phenomena are, Things of thought, that is to say, empty conceptions in which it is impossible to think anything because we cannot conceive in them anything perceptible, therefore a nonentity. It is impossible to separate the Ego from the Things: The Ego also is a phenomenon, and what we seek for behind it is a Thing of thought, or to speak more accurately, a blind notion, a nonentity.
    I should wish these words to be considered until they have perceptibly laid hold of your mind, so that you may understand that all that surrounds us and all that we ourselves are and in which we live and work are literally similitudes, as the poet says, and phenomena (not Things in themselves), as the philosopher is compelled to express himself.
    So of the Thing we know nothing, we only know phenomena. And of the contrast between the universal body and the Ego-body, so often touched upon, you know that they both correspond, and that therefore what holds good of the one is equally applicable to the other: I am only conscious of myself when I am conscious of other Things, I am therefore just as much a phenomenon as they are. But that this whole appreciation is not a “mere sham“ you can perceive from the following explanation of Kant's, “the doctrine of all true idealists from the eleatic school to Bishop Berkeley is contained in this formula: all recognition by the senses and by experience is nothing but mere sham, and it is only in the ideas of pure understanding and (pure) reason that

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truth exists. The principle which entirely rules and pervades my idealism is, on the contrary, — all recognition of Things out of mere pure understanding, or pure reason is nothing but utter sham, and truth exists in experience alone.“ 118
    I have been at some pains to look out this last quotation, for I foresaw full well that you would cast it in my teeth that all this might well be an incontestable, but at the same time perfectly superfluous, subtlety; for if all which we call Things, ourselves included, are in reality phenomena, not shams, but realities as firm as rocks, now everything would end by remaining in the old, most wholesome and most popular realism. With reference to that Kant himself will not find fault with you: he says, “what Things may be in themselves I neither know nor need to know, because a Thing can never appear to me otherwise than as a phenomenon.“ (R.V. 332 seq.). He, moreover, teaches expressly the “reality, i.e. the objective value of space in view of all that which can appear to us outwardly as object.“ (R.V. 44.) But this very thing, the henceforth irrefutable objective value of space, is an important result of criticism; for it is precisely this objective value of space and of things in it that has been often enough threatened by the philosophers: Kant fights here for the unconditioned, unbounded, law-abiding value of all science of nature, and in general for that which we may in its noblest meaning call “common sense.“ But the point of this critical analysis of the human intellect is, as you see, turned in another direction. In order to assure the permanent authority of objective experience, of science, of common sense, they must not only be raised to the throne, but their enemies, continually springing up anew, must be destroyed, and here we are served by the recognition that we only have to deal with phenomena. For out of mere phenomena we cannot arrive at absolute recognition. That is the great result

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of criticism, a result which was bound to transform our whole conception of the being of man from the very foundations, if it should ever be possible to preach it among all cultured people. Kant shows, with an overwhelming mass of proofs, that as soon as our Thinking flies or tries to fly or professes to fly (it is all the same) above the domain of experience to which our Thinking as well as our Seeing is alone directed, it gets into a tangle of nonsense and contradictions, and that only the might of dogmas incapable of proof and in reality senseless can apparently save it from unavoidable bankruptcy. And Kant shows, what no man had suspected before him, why that occurs and how it happens and we always hear the tag, — the mistake is that we take mere phenomena for Things, and that we hold mere conceptions coined upon phenomena alone, as the appreciations of reason, and so apply them as if their value reached beyond all experience. The greatest philosophers contradict each other, and with their contradictory assertions one set of them is just as right and just as wrong as the others. If you carry our historical excursus of to-day in your mind, you know exactly how this hangs together. The different possible fundamental conceptions of mankind are ever legitimised: but the delusion of a fight for the mastery has vanished, — vanished also is the fallacy of a so-called development through error to truth. Kant has mown down the Dogmas for all time. Idealism, Realism, Materialism, Scepticism, Monism, Dualism, Pantheism, Solipsism, Theism, Atheism, — all the “isms“ that ever were or ever will be! The chatter of decades of centuries is swept away! For we are encircled all round by mere phenomena; Goethe's “all that is transitory is but a similitude,“ is the quintessence of what the poet had learnt in Kant. We are not competent to attain to Things, we can do nothing with them: we do not know whether the corporeal world is a unity or a plurality, whether it is

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mutable or immutable, transient or permanent, finite or infinite; we do not know whether the Ego of the soul and material nature belong to a common substratum or are twofold; we cannot therefore decide anything as to whether Thinking and Expansion belong to different essences, or are only different conditions of one identical essence; we possess no organ, no capacity ever even to arrive at the consideration of such questions — except in the blindness of uncritical ignorance. 119 We may maintain that our power of judgment enjoins on us always to proceed on the assumption that there exists a certain fitness between nature and our human reason. But we can never discover how far this fitness in reality reaches. And so Kant is able at the end of his critical masterpiece to utter the proud, artless words, “the greatest and maybe only use of all philosophy of pure reason is therefore perhaps only negative, inasmuch as it does not serve as an organon for expansion, but as a discipline for fixing boundaries, and instead of discovering truth has only the silent merit of warding off errors.“ Kant's achievement is the final annihilation for all time of those dogmas which fly above the bounds of experience, as well of all religious dogmas as of all those of philosophy and natural science.
    It is when you penetrate deeply into Kant's works that you will acquire a detailed and convincing knowledge upon these points. I must be content if I have shown you distinctly how sharply and in what a purely scientific way this eye of Kant's, in contradistinction to all philosophical subtilisations, penetrated and illuminated the inmost network of the mind. That is the individual momentum which we must strive to realise. Kant bases himself upon facts, — upon facts which we must see with our eyes, — not upon definitions and terminological hair-splittings and syllogistic demonstrations. Kant speaks out bluntly: “as a matter of doctrine, philosophy seems

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to be quite unnecessary, or rather out of place, because after all the attempts that have been made with it up to the present time little or no ground has been gained“; and I think that you will be amazed at the precipice, the all-devouring abyss of misunderstanding, to use no harder word, when you see Kant's most famous pupil, Fichte, draw his well-known Entweder-Oder (one thing or the other) as a result from the teaching of the master, and so in Kant's lifetime pave the way for the reaction of the dogmatists and philosophical professors against the work of critical liberation. For Fichte wrote to Kant himself, “we have no right to banish scholasticism“; he reintroduces the “absolute“ into philosophy, and deduces from Kant's critique, that either the Ego must be explained out of the world, or as he expresses it the Non-ego, or conversely the world, out of the Ego; and so he chooses the latter, and builds up the monstrous system from which Kant solemnly and publicly dissociated himself, and which he with his usual felicity describes as “a sort of spectre, which, when one thinks that one has grasped it, vanishes, so that one finds before one no object but only oneself, and even of oneself only the hand which clutched at it.“ 120 That was the road over which German academical philosophy was to travel to the present day, as if Kant had never lived. And in order that Kant should fade out of the living consciousness of student youth, and of the working and enquiring and practically active men apart from the professorial chairs, there was drawn up that series of classical heroes that you find in every German book: Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, Schleiermacher, Herbart, as if there were any single tie of inner relationship binding Kant to any one of these men, and as if his anti-dogmatic life-work, aimed at the eternal annihilation of all scholastic wisdom, had anything in common with the achievements of these doughty men, — in some sense also men of genius, — but who might as well

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have lived a thousand years before Kant, for any trace that his work left upon them.
    There will be many who will wish to add a name here; they will say that Schopenhauer was the complement of Kant. And yet it was precisely Schopenhauer who attempted more than the others, and by virtue of his brilliant gifts effected more, towards demolishing the peculiar critical and methodically scientific thoughts of Kant. Between Kant's critique and Schopenhauer's dogmatics there is no bridge.
    You, on the other hand, gentlemen, have, unless I am mistaken, now fully realised that since Kant's critique has enlightened us as to the metaphysics of our inner man, it is unpermissible to speak of the World and of the Ego as if they were two different and distinguishable “Things“ which it would be possible to contrast with Fichte's “one or the other“ of Ego and World, or as Schopenhauer expresses it of Will and Conception (Wille und Vorstellung). The distinction between World and Ego is a necessary method, but not the establishment of a fact. 121 But you would only have half understood if you did not grasp that it is at the same time impossible dogmatically to come to a conclusion as to the unity of the two, as do Fichte as well as Schopenhauer. The fundamental point here lies on the hither side of unity and plurality, for what we conceive as World and as Ego are simply two ideas, and indeed the two primary ideas which embrace all others. 122 And since, as we have seen, it is not possible to make a clean separation between the corporeal world and the Ego world, all the elements of both being intertwined round one another, we may maintain that these two ideas issue from one point, one single focus imaginarius indicated in the first lecture. And so a more exact analysis joins together again what analysis had severed. Still, this unity of Kant's has nothing in common with the deduction accepted out of a

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common unified principle, and it is the opposite contradiction of the universal unity preached by Bruno. For in the latter, in spite of all its tricked-out finery of logically dialectical arguments, we saw nothing less, but also nothing more, than a grand and yet arbitrary representation of myths, as one of the various dreams by which we men are haunted when we give the reins to our reason and to our phantasy. The unity revealed by Kant, on the contrary, is a result of the critically deliberated analysis of experience.
    I believe that we have reached the goal which I had proposed to myself in this lecture: I have ferried you across from one World into the other, out of the world of dogmas into the world of the critical analysis of experience and of scientifically methodical thought. And if you cast your thoughts back upon our schematic survey, you will surely agree with me if I repeat my contention that Kant belongs to the Goethe-Schopenhauer group with its Thinking inwards and Seeing outwards. Yet while all the others, with the exception of Plato, remain fixed in their inborn method of tendency and one-sidedness, — Kant, as you have now seen, by his scientific, and in a certain sense anti-philosophical, critique of the human intellect, overpowers this individual dogmaticism which is, so to say, the birthright of us all. He utterly shakes off the fetters in which his predecessors and followers are enchained. But this highest wisdom demands at the same time a high moral courage, for, as you will see in our last two lectures, every step means renunciation: renunciation of so-called knowledge, renunciation of the delusions of decades of centuries, renunciation of any help that might be hoped for from without. It requires, moreover, great qualities of character, an incorruptible love of truth, a most intimate power of belief, a fulfilment of duty apart from all other considerations; without these it would be hardly possible even transiently to under-

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stand Kant's standpoint and to view the world as he saw it; for we are dealing here more with a question of fact than of thought. Yet the reward is not wanting. Between nature and personality, between the recognised necessity and the experience of freedom, between must and should, between world and God as the unknown uniting power, as nodus et vinculum mundi, standing as the point where the Universal crosses and meets, — so, set up between horizons ever flying apart, stands the power of reason as Kant's critical eye sees it. Man can never lack matter for investigation, for poetry and for dreaming, above all for dealing with, and conscious equipment of, himself. Kant's whole Thinking is rooted in the practical: that we shall see more and more in the two last lectures. It was necessary in the interests of the practical aims of the free man that dogmatics should be annihilated. Ripe for high destinies. That is man as Kant saw him.
    In the two final lectures we shall be moving in this new philosophy of Kant's, only here once more for the study of the personality and its peculiar character, not of systematic details, still moving essentially with greater freedom owing to the higher level which we have attained. Plato will render us good service in the endeavour to contemplate nature through the eye of Kant: these two men stand very near to one another, and the unschooled, childlike loftiness of the one will make it easier to understand the method of perception of the other, scholastically dressed up as it is, and disentangling itself out of thousands of years of ratiocination. This survey of nature will lead us to the final survey of the inner man: there Kant alone can give us the lead.
 
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